たかはし こうすけ Tokyo correspondent for Jane's Defence Weekly (JDW) and Asia Times Online (ATol). Columbia J-School class of '03 and Columbia SIPA of '04. Formerly at the Asahi Shimbun and Dow Jones. Join today and follow @TakahashiKosuke
Monday, December 21, 2009
My latest story: Japan eyes methane hydrate as energy savior (Asia Times)
Japan eyes methane hydrate as energy savior
By Kosuke Takahashi
TOKYO - Japan, the world's second-largest economy, may have found a way to reduce its almost total dependence on other countries for the oil that drives the industries on which the country's wealth is built.
Betting that Japan can extract and commercially exploit methane hydrate, the hoped-for alternative to oil, investors last week drove up the price of Japan Drilling, a company established in 1968 but only this month raising money by selling shares to the public.
Japan Drilling won the attention of market players because it is involved in the niche field of researching and developing methane hydrate.
The mineral is abundant in the seabeds surrounding Japan and may, over and above revitalizing the country's economy, reshape Tokyo's diplomatic and military relationships with the outside world, including the United States.
Japan has few mineral resources to speak of. It imports 99.7% of its crude oil, importing 87% of its oil from the Middle East. That makes the country heavily reliant on a secure sea lane stretching from the Middle East to Northeast Asia. Maintenance of good diplomatic relations with energy suppliers and with its military backer, the United States, is also essential.
Methane hydrate is a frozen methane gas found in a high-pressure, low-temperature environment, such as seabeds and beneath frozen ground. It is often called burning ice. Methane itself is a component of natural gas.
There are growing expectations that methane hydrate will come to serve as a valuable energy resource. The US, China, Canada and South Korea are among other countries seeking to develop commercially viable extraction technology.
In Japan, the government is backing efforts to complete research and development by 2018 and launch commercial production after that.
The volume of methane hydrate in seafloor sediments around Japan alone is estimated to be enough to provide energy equivalent to 90 years of the nation's natural gas usage today.
In 2007, the government announced that there were 1.14 trillion cubic meters of methane hydrates in a Pacific Ocean trench, the Nankai Trough, some 50 kilometers from the eastern coast of Honshu, the main Japanese island. This reserve is equivalent to almost 14 years of gas use by Japan at current rates - equivalent of a giant gas oil field. Other reserves are also buried around Japan.
There are, though, hitches. Much of Japan’s methane hydrate is in the seafloor 1,000 meters to 2,000 meters below the surface, making extraction a major technological challenge. In March 2008, the Japan Oil, Gas and Metals National Corp (JOGMEC) succeeded in extracting methane from methane hydrate reserves under the tundra of northwestern Canada. This extraction from a deposit more than a kilometer below the Earth's surface has been hailed as the major breakthrough for which Japan had been waiting.
A broader doubt hangs over the environmental suitability of methane hydrate, particularly as global concern over pollution of the atmosphere has become more intense thanks in part to publicity surrounding this month's Copenhagen climate talks. Although methane is a cleaner-burning fossil fuel than coal or oil, more than a few scientists and environmentalists are concerned that as-yet untapped methane hydrates represent "captured" greenhouse gasses that should remain locked under the sea.
Such concerns are rejected by Koji Yamamoto, a project director at the JOGMEC. "Can environmental disaster happen by gas hydrate production? The answer is no. Methane hydrate consists of pure water and methane, and no harmful substances.
"Some people are also afraid of a chain chemical reaction" in the extraction process, Yamamoto said. "However, it never happens. The gas hydrate is quite stable material ... Geological events of massive gas hydrate dissociation might be caused by changes in global scale ocean conditions. Artificial gas production is a completely different phenomenon."
Even so, to ease such environmental concerns, the Central Research Institute of Electric Power Industry in Tokyo has developed technology that will absorb carbon dioxide to increase production of methane hydrate. This technology uses the heat of carbon dioxide for hydrate production and is expected to limit the emission of greenhouse gases.
That should be good news for Japan Drilling, Japan's sole offshore drilling contractor, which listed on Thursday on the first section of the Tokyo Stock Exchange.
Investors certainly like the look of the stock, which after being offered at 3,800 yen per share on Thursday morning surged 59.2% in two days, closing at 6,050 yen on Friday.
But they might have to wait some time before they see full-scale commercial drilling and extraction. "Methane hydrate will surely help boost Japan's self-reliant defense," a Japanese military analyst, Toshiyuki Shikata, told Asia Times Online. "But it takes a long time to use it commercially. And it is still unsure if it pays off to invest in research and development of the mineral."
Kosuke Takahashi is a Tokyo-based journalist. Besides Asia Times Online, he also writes for Jane's Defence Weekly as a Tokyo correspondent. He can be contacted at letters@kosuke.net.
(Copyright 2009 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)
Tuesday, December 15, 2009
(Financial Times Editorial) Okinawa outcry
Okinawa outcry
Published: November 11 2009 20:09 | Last updated: November 11 2009 20:09
A decision by the new government of Japan to re-examine the location of a US marine helicopter base on the southern island of Okinawa has prompted talk of a dangerous rift in the US-Japan alliance. Robert Gates, US defence secretary, offended his Japanese hosts last month when he lectured them about foot-dragging, telling the new government it must stick to the deal made by its predecessor. A senior state department figure apparently went one stage further, telling the Washington Post that Japan, not China, was now the US’s most problematic relationship in Asia. That is nonsense.
To be fair, Jeff Bader, the senior director for East Asian affairs at the National Security Council, called the anonymous comments asinine. Yet Washington has clearly been taken aback by the Democratic Party of Japan’s decision to act on its election pledge of seeking to make the US-Japan alliance “more equal”. In particular, the Pentagon is frustrated at the prospect of having to renegotiate a 1996 deal, not yet implemented, to move the Futenma helicopter base.
The US has over-reacted and President Barack Obama, who arrives in Tokyo on Friday, would do well to admit as much. It is only natural the new Japanese government, having unseated the conservative Liberal Democratic party from half a century of virtually uninterrupted power, should conduct a thorough policy review.
Its stated ambition to forge a less dependent US relationship is actually to be welcomed. Old Japan hands in Washington seem to have forgotten that the LDP promised much but delivered little in the way of the support for US military operations that they wanted.
Nor is Mr Gates’ assertion credible that all previous agreements are sacrosanct. Only a few months ago the Obama administration dropped Bush-era plans for missile defence bases in Poland and the Czech Republic.
Certainly, the DPJ’s determination to look again at the Futenma base move is annoying for military strategists who spent years hammering out the previous deal. But talk that this somehow rattles the foundations of the US-Japan alliance, which has been crucial to postwar stability in the Pacific, is ludicrous. By being so impatient and pushing the new government into a corner, Washington is in danger of producing precisely the result it is trying to avoid. Given some time, the DPJ will reach a workable compromise. Mr Obama should use his rhetorical skills to give Japan’s government the space to do just that.
Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2009. Print a single copy of this article for personal use. Contact us if you wish to print more to distribute to others.
Published: November 11 2009 20:09 | Last updated: November 11 2009 20:09
A decision by the new government of Japan to re-examine the location of a US marine helicopter base on the southern island of Okinawa has prompted talk of a dangerous rift in the US-Japan alliance. Robert Gates, US defence secretary, offended his Japanese hosts last month when he lectured them about foot-dragging, telling the new government it must stick to the deal made by its predecessor. A senior state department figure apparently went one stage further, telling the Washington Post that Japan, not China, was now the US’s most problematic relationship in Asia. That is nonsense.
To be fair, Jeff Bader, the senior director for East Asian affairs at the National Security Council, called the anonymous comments asinine. Yet Washington has clearly been taken aback by the Democratic Party of Japan’s decision to act on its election pledge of seeking to make the US-Japan alliance “more equal”. In particular, the Pentagon is frustrated at the prospect of having to renegotiate a 1996 deal, not yet implemented, to move the Futenma helicopter base.
The US has over-reacted and President Barack Obama, who arrives in Tokyo on Friday, would do well to admit as much. It is only natural the new Japanese government, having unseated the conservative Liberal Democratic party from half a century of virtually uninterrupted power, should conduct a thorough policy review.
Its stated ambition to forge a less dependent US relationship is actually to be welcomed. Old Japan hands in Washington seem to have forgotten that the LDP promised much but delivered little in the way of the support for US military operations that they wanted.
Nor is Mr Gates’ assertion credible that all previous agreements are sacrosanct. Only a few months ago the Obama administration dropped Bush-era plans for missile defence bases in Poland and the Czech Republic.
Certainly, the DPJ’s determination to look again at the Futenma base move is annoying for military strategists who spent years hammering out the previous deal. But talk that this somehow rattles the foundations of the US-Japan alliance, which has been crucial to postwar stability in the Pacific, is ludicrous. By being so impatient and pushing the new government into a corner, Washington is in danger of producing precisely the result it is trying to avoid. Given some time, the DPJ will reach a workable compromise. Mr Obama should use his rhetorical skills to give Japan’s government the space to do just that.
Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2009. Print a single copy of this article for personal use. Contact us if you wish to print more to distribute to others.
Monday, December 14, 2009
Something wrong with the International Herald Tribune?
Today I could not believe my own eyes. The International Herald Tribune (IHT), published by the Asahi newspaper in Tokyo, placed Rolex’s full-page ads on the front page and the back page. Please see the above pictures.
The ordinary news section virtually begins with page 3.
The IHT may say it just wrapped up the newspaper itself in full-page ads.
Have you seen this type of newspaper ad before in your place?
Is this only happening at the International Herald Tribune/ The Asahi Shimbun published in Tokyo? Is this a new trend in newspaper ads?
I just wonder.
Saturday, December 12, 2009
Remember Ike's farewell address?
Why not US journalists cruch out the US military industrial index? This has been causing a lot of troubles inside and outside the US for decades...Remember Ike's farewell address?
Eisenhower's Farewell Address to the Nation
January 17, 1961
"This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence – economic, political, even spiritual – is felt in every city, every Statehouse, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society."
Eisenhower's Farewell Address to the Nation
January 17, 1961
"This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence – economic, political, even spiritual – is felt in every city, every Statehouse, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society."
Friday, November 20, 2009
For a change, I wrote about poorly performing Japanese stocks. Many thanks to Tetsuya Inoue-san at the Nomura Research Institute, Osamu Takashima-san and Naomi Fink-san at BTMU. The story was published by Asia Times today. If you have time, please go over
Capital rules weigh on Japan stocks
Good weekend! Cheers, Kosuke
Capital rules weigh on Japan stocks
By Kosuke Takahashi
TOKYO - Japan's economy has moved out of recession, but the country's stock market continues to suffer from the impending imposition of tougher international capital rules to be compiled by the end of this year in Basel, Switzerland.
The nation's financial sector, led by Japan's three megabanks - Mitsubishi UFJ Financial Group, Mizuho Financial Group and Sumitomo Mitsui Financial Group - is dragging down the recovery of Japanese share prices, on concerns that the lenders may seek additional capital increases by issuing common stock in preparation for the tighter capital-adequacy rules that will apply to globally active banks. A weak point of Japanese banks is that without ample ordinary shares they lack capital.
A recent spate of capital-raising in the already weak market in Tokyo, combined with a rising Japanese yen and a heightened sense of uncertainty about the fiscal policies of new Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's administration, are also hampering stocks.
On Wednesday, Mitsubishi UFJ Financial Group said it plans to bolster its capital base by issuing one trillion yen (US$11.2 billion) in new shares - a record public sale of additional common shares. This gave rise to speculation that other banks would follow suit.
Japanese stocks have been the worst performer among major economies this year. The key Nikkei stock index has risen only 7.2%. More notably, the broader Topix index of all the Tokyo Stock Exchange First Section issues has fallen 2.4% - the only major broad-based stock index in the world that has lost ground this year. The Topix Index on Thursday fell for a seventh day, its longest losing streak since July, and slid to the lowest level since April 28, although it recouped some of its losses on Friday. The benchmark Nikkei average fell to its lowest level since July 17.
By contrast, the Dow Jones Industrial Average has gained 17%, while China's Shanghai Composite Index has climbed more than 80%, followed by Brazil's nearly 80% rally and India's more than 70% advance.
"It is true Japanese financial stocks are falling due to dilution concerns involving new shares," said Tetsuya Inoue, chief researcher for financial markets at the Nomura Research Institute in Tokyo and a former Bank of Japan official. "The new rules will also force Japanese banks to reconsider their traditional practice of holding shares in other companies over the long term."
Even so, he did not belive that new capital rules being finalized in Basel are specifically targeting Japanese banks. The change "has been discussed for many years and was finally agreed in principle in the Group of 20 (G-20) Pittsburgh summit in September."
The earlier BIS (Basel Capital Accord) agreement on strengthening the risk-capital adequacy requirement in the late 1980s and early 1990s "might have targeted the 'overpresence' of then burgeoning Japanese financial institutions, which foreigners often criticized," Inoue said. "But not so this time."
The Basel Committee
With the global financial crisis receding, international policymakers are working on adjusting rules on capital standards so as to avoid a repeat of the mistakes that can come from highly leveraged capitalism, exemplified by the failure in September last year of US investment bank Lehman Brothers. The planned changes will push banks to have a sufficient cushion of high-quality capital.
In September, leaders from 20 leading countries agreed at a summit in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, to impose tougher capital requirements on banks operating internationally. Before this summit, central bank governors and banking regulators of 27 major countries and regions participating in the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision also arrived at the same agreement, designed to standardize minimum capital requirements for banking institutions.
The agreement requires banks to raise the ratio of so-called core capital such as common stock and retained earnings. Although the specifics of the requirements will be worked out by the year-end, the new bank capital rules are widely expected to require banks to hold core Tier 1 capital - mainly common stock and retained reserves - equal to at least 4% of total risky assets. Reuters on Thursday reported the Basel-based committee is likely to require at least 6%.
The tricky thing is that Japanese banks, which are seen as less affected by the subprime loan crisis than their US and European counterparts, generally have lower ratios of common stock in their capital than major US and European lenders.
The core Tier 1 capital at Mitsubishi UFJ Financial was 6.8% as of the end of September, at Mizuho Financial 5.4%, and at Sumitomo Mitsui Financial 5.9%, according to their latest press releases.
On the other hand, US-based Citigroup held 9.1% of core Tier 1 capital, and Bank of America 6.9%, thanks to huge injections of public funds into those banks, according to the Mainichi Shimbun newspaper on September 3.
Late last year, Mitsubishi UFJ issued around 790 billion yen in common shares and preferred stocks. Mizuho raised up to 526.3 billion yen in July by issuing new shares, while Sumitomo Mitsui issued 862.9 billion yen in new shares in the previous month. All seem to have aimed at bolstering their core Tier 1 capital.
With the contours of Mitsubishi UFJ's capital-raising plan for the second consecutive year now announced, attention turns to its two main competitors, in particular Mizuho, which lags in terms of core Tier 1 capital. Market players in Tokyo expect Mizuho and Sumitomo Mitsui to issue new shares early next year, possibly between January and February. This could further buffet the already sluggish stock market in Tokyo.
Political vacuum
Nomura's Inoue said it is unfortunate that the "political vacuum" created by the transition process following the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ)'s sweeping victory over the long-ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in a House of Representatives election on August 30 coincided with the intensive discussions regarding banking standards going in the US and the Europe.
Japan's then finance minister, Kaoru Yosano of the LDP, did not attend a meeting of G-20 finance ministers and central bank governors in London in early September, which was aimed at determining the priorities of the G-20 summit in Pittsburgh on September 24 to 25. His absence, attributed to health reasons, raised concern about Japan's low-key presence at the ministerial meeting.
The authorities in the US "have in effect been introducing a tougher de-facto standard for capital adequacy since bank stress tests in May, although it is unclear whether that was intended or not. For the Japanese side, frustration has arisen," Inoue said.
Kosuke Takahashi is a Tokyo-based journalist. Besides Asia Times Online, he also writes for Jane's Defence Weekly as Tokyo correspondent.
(Copyright 2009 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)
Capital rules weigh on Japan stocks
Good weekend! Cheers, Kosuke
Capital rules weigh on Japan stocks
By Kosuke Takahashi
TOKYO - Japan's economy has moved out of recession, but the country's stock market continues to suffer from the impending imposition of tougher international capital rules to be compiled by the end of this year in Basel, Switzerland.
The nation's financial sector, led by Japan's three megabanks - Mitsubishi UFJ Financial Group, Mizuho Financial Group and Sumitomo Mitsui Financial Group - is dragging down the recovery of Japanese share prices, on concerns that the lenders may seek additional capital increases by issuing common stock in preparation for the tighter capital-adequacy rules that will apply to globally active banks. A weak point of Japanese banks is that without ample ordinary shares they lack capital.
A recent spate of capital-raising in the already weak market in Tokyo, combined with a rising Japanese yen and a heightened sense of uncertainty about the fiscal policies of new Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's administration, are also hampering stocks.
On Wednesday, Mitsubishi UFJ Financial Group said it plans to bolster its capital base by issuing one trillion yen (US$11.2 billion) in new shares - a record public sale of additional common shares. This gave rise to speculation that other banks would follow suit.
Japanese stocks have been the worst performer among major economies this year. The key Nikkei stock index has risen only 7.2%. More notably, the broader Topix index of all the Tokyo Stock Exchange First Section issues has fallen 2.4% - the only major broad-based stock index in the world that has lost ground this year. The Topix Index on Thursday fell for a seventh day, its longest losing streak since July, and slid to the lowest level since April 28, although it recouped some of its losses on Friday. The benchmark Nikkei average fell to its lowest level since July 17.
By contrast, the Dow Jones Industrial Average has gained 17%, while China's Shanghai Composite Index has climbed more than 80%, followed by Brazil's nearly 80% rally and India's more than 70% advance.
"It is true Japanese financial stocks are falling due to dilution concerns involving new shares," said Tetsuya Inoue, chief researcher for financial markets at the Nomura Research Institute in Tokyo and a former Bank of Japan official. "The new rules will also force Japanese banks to reconsider their traditional practice of holding shares in other companies over the long term."
Even so, he did not belive that new capital rules being finalized in Basel are specifically targeting Japanese banks. The change "has been discussed for many years and was finally agreed in principle in the Group of 20 (G-20) Pittsburgh summit in September."
The earlier BIS (Basel Capital Accord) agreement on strengthening the risk-capital adequacy requirement in the late 1980s and early 1990s "might have targeted the 'overpresence' of then burgeoning Japanese financial institutions, which foreigners often criticized," Inoue said. "But not so this time."
The Basel Committee
With the global financial crisis receding, international policymakers are working on adjusting rules on capital standards so as to avoid a repeat of the mistakes that can come from highly leveraged capitalism, exemplified by the failure in September last year of US investment bank Lehman Brothers. The planned changes will push banks to have a sufficient cushion of high-quality capital.
In September, leaders from 20 leading countries agreed at a summit in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, to impose tougher capital requirements on banks operating internationally. Before this summit, central bank governors and banking regulators of 27 major countries and regions participating in the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision also arrived at the same agreement, designed to standardize minimum capital requirements for banking institutions.
The agreement requires banks to raise the ratio of so-called core capital such as common stock and retained earnings. Although the specifics of the requirements will be worked out by the year-end, the new bank capital rules are widely expected to require banks to hold core Tier 1 capital - mainly common stock and retained reserves - equal to at least 4% of total risky assets. Reuters on Thursday reported the Basel-based committee is likely to require at least 6%.
The tricky thing is that Japanese banks, which are seen as less affected by the subprime loan crisis than their US and European counterparts, generally have lower ratios of common stock in their capital than major US and European lenders.
The core Tier 1 capital at Mitsubishi UFJ Financial was 6.8% as of the end of September, at Mizuho Financial 5.4%, and at Sumitomo Mitsui Financial 5.9%, according to their latest press releases.
On the other hand, US-based Citigroup held 9.1% of core Tier 1 capital, and Bank of America 6.9%, thanks to huge injections of public funds into those banks, according to the Mainichi Shimbun newspaper on September 3.
Late last year, Mitsubishi UFJ issued around 790 billion yen in common shares and preferred stocks. Mizuho raised up to 526.3 billion yen in July by issuing new shares, while Sumitomo Mitsui issued 862.9 billion yen in new shares in the previous month. All seem to have aimed at bolstering their core Tier 1 capital.
With the contours of Mitsubishi UFJ's capital-raising plan for the second consecutive year now announced, attention turns to its two main competitors, in particular Mizuho, which lags in terms of core Tier 1 capital. Market players in Tokyo expect Mizuho and Sumitomo Mitsui to issue new shares early next year, possibly between January and February. This could further buffet the already sluggish stock market in Tokyo.
Political vacuum
Nomura's Inoue said it is unfortunate that the "political vacuum" created by the transition process following the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ)'s sweeping victory over the long-ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in a House of Representatives election on August 30 coincided with the intensive discussions regarding banking standards going in the US and the Europe.
Japan's then finance minister, Kaoru Yosano of the LDP, did not attend a meeting of G-20 finance ministers and central bank governors in London in early September, which was aimed at determining the priorities of the G-20 summit in Pittsburgh on September 24 to 25. His absence, attributed to health reasons, raised concern about Japan's low-key presence at the ministerial meeting.
The authorities in the US "have in effect been introducing a tougher de-facto standard for capital adequacy since bank stress tests in May, although it is unclear whether that was intended or not. For the Japanese side, frustration has arisen," Inoue said.
Kosuke Takahashi is a Tokyo-based journalist. Besides Asia Times Online, he also writes for Jane's Defence Weekly as Tokyo correspondent.
(Copyright 2009 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)
Wednesday, November 18, 2009
My story on Japan's defence becomes this week's cover story of Jane's Defence Weekly
I've written a feature story on Japan's defense, which was published by Jane's Defence Weekly magazine in UK this week. My story is the cover story. Cheers, Kosuke
Japan's new dawn
Sunday, November 15, 2009
My recent story for Asia Times Online
Special thanks to Patrick Cronin-san, Michael O'Hanlon-san and Toshiyuki Shikata-san.
Japan: A new battle over Okinawa
By Kosuke Takahashi
TOKYO - United States President Barack Obama lands in Tokyo on Friday on the first stop of his maiden trip to Asia, but a less than 24 hours visit may not be enough to change public opinion in the country.
In Japan, it's often said you can gauge social undercurrents by looking at advertising billboards on trains, as they mirror society. "Don't cave in to the threat of the US!" says one such advert for a popular Japanese weekly magazine, currently hung in crowded commuter trains in Tokyo.
The name of the magazine is Shukan Asahi, it has denounced as high-handed the US government's approach to the long-standing, thorny issue of the relocation of the US Marine Corps Air Station Futenma in Okinawa prefecture.
The magazine cites a "warning" made by US Defense Secretary Robert Gates during a visit to Tokyo last month: that unless the heliport functions of the Futenma facility were moved by 2014 to a coastal area in the marines' Camp Schwab located in the less densely populated city of Nago, northern Okinawa - as agreed in the 2006 bilateral pact on the realignment of US forces - the transfer of around 8,000 US Marines from Okinawa to the US Pacific territory of Guam would not occur.
Recently, US heavyweights such as Richard Lawless, former deputy under secretary of defense, have also appeared frequently in Japanese media to reiterate Gates' warning .
Tensions over the US troops stationed on the island, which have simmered since three US servicemen were convicted for the rape of a 12-year-old girl in Okinawa in 1995, are again on the rise .
Despite the sweltering heat, about 21,000 Japanese gathered on Sunday on the island to demand that the base in Futenma be moved off the island. The demonstration was triggered by a deadly hit-and-run incident involving a US serviceman. Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama has backed demands that the serviceman detained over the alleged crime, which killed a 66-year-old Okinawan man, be handed over to Japanese justice.
A joint poll conducted by the Ryukyu Shimpo and the Mainichi Shimbun on October 30 and November 1 found that 69.7% of Okinawans said the Hatoyama administration should renegotiate with the US about plans to move the Futenma base out of the prefecture, or even the country. The poll also showed that 67% of respondents opposed relocation to Camp Schwab.
The long-running relocation dispute over Futenma is rocking the foundations of the Japan-US relationship, just ahead of next year's 50th anniversary of the 1960 Mutual Security Treaty between the countries.
"Much of the punditry in the media would have us believe that Japan and the US were on the verge of a breakup over where to relocate 60 marine helicopters," Patrick Cronin, a senior adviser and director of the Asia-Pacific Security Program at the Center for a New American Security in Washington, told Asia Times Online in an e-mail interview. "Yet durable alliances are based on common interests, not simply disagreements over means."
"As difficult an issue as the relocation of Futenma Marine Air Station has been, the salient question is whether next year's half-centenary celebration of the 1960 Mutual Security Treaty will mark the end of the alliance as we know it or the beginning of the alliance we both need for the 21st century," Cronin added.
During the Japan-US summit, the relocation of the base in Okinawa will not be a major item on the agenda. Obama is widely expected to stress relations with Japan as a "cornerstone" of US foreign policy, seeking re-engagement with Tokyo's new administration.
Obama and Hatoyama are expected to re-affirm cooperation to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 80% by 2050 - without mentioning any specific base year for calculation, or Japan's consideration for the US, one of the two largest emitters of greenhouse gases, along with China. They will also renew their determination to create a world without nuclear weapons.
Japan's new dawn
As Hatoyama's new administration undertakes a thorough review of Japan's alliance with the US, one which is likely to raise concern in Washington, Japan-American relations face a fundamental political change.
Hatoyama and his center-left Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) unseated the pro-US Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in a House of Representatives election on August 30, ending the LDP's near-perpetual one party rule of the past half century.
Nonetheless, the LDP appears to have finally completed its historical mission in the post-Cold War era - supporting Japan's military role as an anti-communist bastion of the US against China and Russia.
The US "nuclear umbrella" has protected Japan against potential adversaries such as China, North Korea and Russia, while assuring other states in the region that suffered under Japan's colonial rule that Tokyo would not return to its militaristic past.
Due to the US nuclear deterrent, Japan has enjoyed a generally stable strategic outlook, with its population wary of major change and militarization since the end of World War II, a legacy of the US atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945. Previous LDP governments have mainly focused on national interests and on economic growth.
The era of Japan's strong pacifism, as enshrined in the US-imposed "peace constitution", determined the posture and structure of Japan's military forces to defend the nation and made the security alliance with the US the centerpiece of Japanese security policy in the post-war period.
"The [Harry S] Truman and [Dwight D] Eisenhower administrations saw a resurgent Japanese economy as the engine of growth in the Asia-Pacific region," Cronin said. "Providing an unsinkable aircraft carrier in exchange for Japan's economic revival was a deliberate political choice made by Washington and Tokyo based on their vital interests at the time of the original 1951 treaty."
During the 2001 to 2006 Junichiro Koizumi administration, a symbol of Japan's reformist policy, Japan aimed to strengthen bilateral military and security ties with the US - a drive reinforced by China's military buildup, North Korea's nuclear crisis and the global threat of terrorism.
The US-Japan security alliance under former US president George W Bush and Koizumi is often referred to as a "golden era" between the two countries. Koizumi deployed Japan Ground Self-Defense Forces (JGSDF) units to Iraq to contribute to America's war against terrorism.
The new leaders in Tokyo still regard US strike capabilities and the nuclear deterrence provided by the US as essential for Japan's overall security - as well as for peace and security in the region - but they do not necessarily see it as essential for the nation's economic development. Enormous economic growth in East Asia - especially in China, which is a 1.3 billion consumer market - is changing the structure of worldwide and regional business and industry.
Hatoyama has called for an East Asian "community" to develop to the extent that it resembles an Asian version of the European Union. He also advocates a common Asian currency as a natural extension of the rapid economic growth in the region. Hatoyama aims to conduct a swift shift in Tokyo's axis of cooperation towards other Asian nations.
The DPJ, the dominant party in the ruling coalition led by Hatoyama, has advocated policies of multilateral cooperation while calling for a more equal partnership with the US. The DPJ has often refused to support US policies, most notably the war in Iraq, and has criticized post-war Japanese diplomatic policy as "toeing the US line".
Japan's newly elected government was voted into office on a platform of curtailing the US military presence on Okinawa, where 75% of all US forces in Japan are located. In an Upper House question-and-answer session on October 29, Hatoyama said the review of Japan's alliance with the US would be "comprehensive". He later told reporters that it would cover Japanese funding of US bases, the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) and the relocation of the Futenma station.
Hatoyama said his government was exploring the possibility of reducing Japan's host-nation spending on US military bases. This so-called "sympathy budget" began in 1978 and covers utilities and other expenses.
The allocation for fiscal year 2009 comes to 189.7 billion yen (US$2.1 billion). With government debt expected to reach 187% of gross domestic product this year, foremost among major economies, Tokyo no longer wants to outlay the large sums of money it currently pays to support US military forces in Japan. This fiscal restraint also places a limit how much it can spend to modernize its Self Defense Forces (SDF) domestically.
The SOFA, which governs US military operations in Japan and legal arrangements for its personnel, has not been revised for nearly half a century. A group of governors representing prefectures that host military facilities, such as the Okinawa and Kanagawa prefectures, have called for a clause covering environmental pollution and destruction at US military bases in Japan.
In terms of the relocation of Futenma, the prime minister said "various options" would be considered. The government inherited the 2006 Japan-US agreement that calls for relocating the base within Okinawa, but Hatoyama has indicated that he will seek to relocate the air station outside of Okinawa, possibly even outside Japan.
Japanese Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada has floated the idea of merging Futenma's heliport functions with the nearby Kadena Air Base - the largest US military base in the Far East.
"It is possible, I believe, to merge operations at Kadena - for normal day-to-day circumstances," Michael O'Hanlon, a senior fellow in Foreign Policy at the Brookings Institution in Washington, where he specializes in US national security policy, told Asia Times Online. "But in that event, we need much better preparation for crisis operations, including greater access to SDF and even civilian airfields on Okinawa [and preparations in advance at those sites]."
Under US pressure, Japan has also announced it will spend as much as $5 billion over the next five years to help with the reconstruction of war-torn Afghanistan.
"The majority of the Japanese won't accept that Afghan aid," Japanese military analyst Toshiyuki Shikata told Asia Times Online. "Historically, Alexander the Great, the British Empire and the Soviet Union all failed to conquer Afghanistan. The US, as an oceanic state, will have further difficulties to control Afghan, which is just surrounded by mountainous areas and lands. It's not cost-effective for the US."
Kosuke Takahashi is a Tokyo-based journalist. Besides Asia Times Online, he also writes for Jane's Defence Weekly as Tokyo correspondent.
(Copyright 2009 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)
Japan: A new battle over Okinawa
By Kosuke Takahashi
TOKYO - United States President Barack Obama lands in Tokyo on Friday on the first stop of his maiden trip to Asia, but a less than 24 hours visit may not be enough to change public opinion in the country.
In Japan, it's often said you can gauge social undercurrents by looking at advertising billboards on trains, as they mirror society. "Don't cave in to the threat of the US!" says one such advert for a popular Japanese weekly magazine, currently hung in crowded commuter trains in Tokyo.
The name of the magazine is Shukan Asahi, it has denounced as high-handed the US government's approach to the long-standing, thorny issue of the relocation of the US Marine Corps Air Station Futenma in Okinawa prefecture.
The magazine cites a "warning" made by US Defense Secretary Robert Gates during a visit to Tokyo last month: that unless the heliport functions of the Futenma facility were moved by 2014 to a coastal area in the marines' Camp Schwab located in the less densely populated city of Nago, northern Okinawa - as agreed in the 2006 bilateral pact on the realignment of US forces - the transfer of around 8,000 US Marines from Okinawa to the US Pacific territory of Guam would not occur.
Recently, US heavyweights such as Richard Lawless, former deputy under secretary of defense, have also appeared frequently in Japanese media to reiterate Gates' warning .
Tensions over the US troops stationed on the island, which have simmered since three US servicemen were convicted for the rape of a 12-year-old girl in Okinawa in 1995, are again on the rise .
Despite the sweltering heat, about 21,000 Japanese gathered on Sunday on the island to demand that the base in Futenma be moved off the island. The demonstration was triggered by a deadly hit-and-run incident involving a US serviceman. Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama has backed demands that the serviceman detained over the alleged crime, which killed a 66-year-old Okinawan man, be handed over to Japanese justice.
A joint poll conducted by the Ryukyu Shimpo and the Mainichi Shimbun on October 30 and November 1 found that 69.7% of Okinawans said the Hatoyama administration should renegotiate with the US about plans to move the Futenma base out of the prefecture, or even the country. The poll also showed that 67% of respondents opposed relocation to Camp Schwab.
The long-running relocation dispute over Futenma is rocking the foundations of the Japan-US relationship, just ahead of next year's 50th anniversary of the 1960 Mutual Security Treaty between the countries.
"Much of the punditry in the media would have us believe that Japan and the US were on the verge of a breakup over where to relocate 60 marine helicopters," Patrick Cronin, a senior adviser and director of the Asia-Pacific Security Program at the Center for a New American Security in Washington, told Asia Times Online in an e-mail interview. "Yet durable alliances are based on common interests, not simply disagreements over means."
"As difficult an issue as the relocation of Futenma Marine Air Station has been, the salient question is whether next year's half-centenary celebration of the 1960 Mutual Security Treaty will mark the end of the alliance as we know it or the beginning of the alliance we both need for the 21st century," Cronin added.
During the Japan-US summit, the relocation of the base in Okinawa will not be a major item on the agenda. Obama is widely expected to stress relations with Japan as a "cornerstone" of US foreign policy, seeking re-engagement with Tokyo's new administration.
Obama and Hatoyama are expected to re-affirm cooperation to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 80% by 2050 - without mentioning any specific base year for calculation, or Japan's consideration for the US, one of the two largest emitters of greenhouse gases, along with China. They will also renew their determination to create a world without nuclear weapons.
Japan's new dawn
As Hatoyama's new administration undertakes a thorough review of Japan's alliance with the US, one which is likely to raise concern in Washington, Japan-American relations face a fundamental political change.
Hatoyama and his center-left Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) unseated the pro-US Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in a House of Representatives election on August 30, ending the LDP's near-perpetual one party rule of the past half century.
Nonetheless, the LDP appears to have finally completed its historical mission in the post-Cold War era - supporting Japan's military role as an anti-communist bastion of the US against China and Russia.
The US "nuclear umbrella" has protected Japan against potential adversaries such as China, North Korea and Russia, while assuring other states in the region that suffered under Japan's colonial rule that Tokyo would not return to its militaristic past.
Due to the US nuclear deterrent, Japan has enjoyed a generally stable strategic outlook, with its population wary of major change and militarization since the end of World War II, a legacy of the US atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945. Previous LDP governments have mainly focused on national interests and on economic growth.
The era of Japan's strong pacifism, as enshrined in the US-imposed "peace constitution", determined the posture and structure of Japan's military forces to defend the nation and made the security alliance with the US the centerpiece of Japanese security policy in the post-war period.
"The [Harry S] Truman and [Dwight D] Eisenhower administrations saw a resurgent Japanese economy as the engine of growth in the Asia-Pacific region," Cronin said. "Providing an unsinkable aircraft carrier in exchange for Japan's economic revival was a deliberate political choice made by Washington and Tokyo based on their vital interests at the time of the original 1951 treaty."
During the 2001 to 2006 Junichiro Koizumi administration, a symbol of Japan's reformist policy, Japan aimed to strengthen bilateral military and security ties with the US - a drive reinforced by China's military buildup, North Korea's nuclear crisis and the global threat of terrorism.
The US-Japan security alliance under former US president George W Bush and Koizumi is often referred to as a "golden era" between the two countries. Koizumi deployed Japan Ground Self-Defense Forces (JGSDF) units to Iraq to contribute to America's war against terrorism.
The new leaders in Tokyo still regard US strike capabilities and the nuclear deterrence provided by the US as essential for Japan's overall security - as well as for peace and security in the region - but they do not necessarily see it as essential for the nation's economic development. Enormous economic growth in East Asia - especially in China, which is a 1.3 billion consumer market - is changing the structure of worldwide and regional business and industry.
Hatoyama has called for an East Asian "community" to develop to the extent that it resembles an Asian version of the European Union. He also advocates a common Asian currency as a natural extension of the rapid economic growth in the region. Hatoyama aims to conduct a swift shift in Tokyo's axis of cooperation towards other Asian nations.
The DPJ, the dominant party in the ruling coalition led by Hatoyama, has advocated policies of multilateral cooperation while calling for a more equal partnership with the US. The DPJ has often refused to support US policies, most notably the war in Iraq, and has criticized post-war Japanese diplomatic policy as "toeing the US line".
Japan's newly elected government was voted into office on a platform of curtailing the US military presence on Okinawa, where 75% of all US forces in Japan are located. In an Upper House question-and-answer session on October 29, Hatoyama said the review of Japan's alliance with the US would be "comprehensive". He later told reporters that it would cover Japanese funding of US bases, the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) and the relocation of the Futenma station.
Hatoyama said his government was exploring the possibility of reducing Japan's host-nation spending on US military bases. This so-called "sympathy budget" began in 1978 and covers utilities and other expenses.
The allocation for fiscal year 2009 comes to 189.7 billion yen (US$2.1 billion). With government debt expected to reach 187% of gross domestic product this year, foremost among major economies, Tokyo no longer wants to outlay the large sums of money it currently pays to support US military forces in Japan. This fiscal restraint also places a limit how much it can spend to modernize its Self Defense Forces (SDF) domestically.
The SOFA, which governs US military operations in Japan and legal arrangements for its personnel, has not been revised for nearly half a century. A group of governors representing prefectures that host military facilities, such as the Okinawa and Kanagawa prefectures, have called for a clause covering environmental pollution and destruction at US military bases in Japan.
In terms of the relocation of Futenma, the prime minister said "various options" would be considered. The government inherited the 2006 Japan-US agreement that calls for relocating the base within Okinawa, but Hatoyama has indicated that he will seek to relocate the air station outside of Okinawa, possibly even outside Japan.
Japanese Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada has floated the idea of merging Futenma's heliport functions with the nearby Kadena Air Base - the largest US military base in the Far East.
"It is possible, I believe, to merge operations at Kadena - for normal day-to-day circumstances," Michael O'Hanlon, a senior fellow in Foreign Policy at the Brookings Institution in Washington, where he specializes in US national security policy, told Asia Times Online. "But in that event, we need much better preparation for crisis operations, including greater access to SDF and even civilian airfields on Okinawa [and preparations in advance at those sites]."
Under US pressure, Japan has also announced it will spend as much as $5 billion over the next five years to help with the reconstruction of war-torn Afghanistan.
"The majority of the Japanese won't accept that Afghan aid," Japanese military analyst Toshiyuki Shikata told Asia Times Online. "Historically, Alexander the Great, the British Empire and the Soviet Union all failed to conquer Afghanistan. The US, as an oceanic state, will have further difficulties to control Afghan, which is just surrounded by mountainous areas and lands. It's not cost-effective for the US."
Kosuke Takahashi is a Tokyo-based journalist. Besides Asia Times Online, he also writes for Jane's Defence Weekly as Tokyo correspondent.
(Copyright 2009 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)
Thursday, November 5, 2009
My story on the yakuza published by Jane's Intelligence Review
Non-Subscriber Extract
Capital punishment - Japan's yakuza vie for control of Tokyo
04 November 2009
Although Japan's economy may now be exiting recession, the country's criminal groups are continuing to suffer from the impact of falling criminal revenues, leading them to come into competition. Gang-related violence is rising in Japan, with two of the country's long-established criminal yakuza groups coming into territorial conflict. In March 2008 Hiroshige Suzuki, a gang member affiliated to the Yamiguchi-gumi group, was stabbed to death in Yashio city, near Tokyo. The following day, Atsushi Suzuki, affiliated to the Sumiyoshi-kai group, was shot dead in nearby Fujimino city, as part of what police suspect to have been a clash between the two powerful groups.
The Sumiyoshi-kai, traditionally based in and around Tokyo, is under pressure owing to a number of different factors. The country's economic downturn is squeezing the Sumiyoshi-kai's sources of revenue, such as the real estate sector or financial services. In addition, the group is still recovering from the imposition of counter-criminal legislation in 1992, which for the first time defined the yakuza in law and made it easier for the authorities to crack down on their criminal activities.
180 of 2867 words
Copyright © IHS (Global) Limited, 2009
End of non-subscriber extract
Capital punishment - Japan's yakuza vie for control of Tokyo
04 November 2009
Although Japan's economy may now be exiting recession, the country's criminal groups are continuing to suffer from the impact of falling criminal revenues, leading them to come into competition. Gang-related violence is rising in Japan, with two of the country's long-established criminal yakuza groups coming into territorial conflict. In March 2008 Hiroshige Suzuki, a gang member affiliated to the Yamiguchi-gumi group, was stabbed to death in Yashio city, near Tokyo. The following day, Atsushi Suzuki, affiliated to the Sumiyoshi-kai group, was shot dead in nearby Fujimino city, as part of what police suspect to have been a clash between the two powerful groups.
The Sumiyoshi-kai, traditionally based in and around Tokyo, is under pressure owing to a number of different factors. The country's economic downturn is squeezing the Sumiyoshi-kai's sources of revenue, such as the real estate sector or financial services. In addition, the group is still recovering from the imposition of counter-criminal legislation in 1992, which for the first time defined the yakuza in law and made it easier for the authorities to crack down on their criminal activities.
180 of 2867 words
Copyright © IHS (Global) Limited, 2009
End of non-subscriber extract
Sunday, September 6, 2009
I told you so...
I wrote this at the beginning of 2009. This is what is happening at the moment across the Pacific, a tug-of-war between Japan and the US.
Japan gets a feel for Asian integration
By Kosuke Takahashi
TOKYO - If you believe Japan will always be an unswerving "lap dog" of the United States, then 2009 may bring a rude awakening. This year could be the beginning of Tokyo's swift shift in its axis of cooperation toward other Asian nations. Early signs are already beginning to show.
More than 130 years ago, the great Japanese philosopher Yukichi Fukuzawa - whose portrait adorns 10,000 yen bills - put forward the idea of disassociating Japan from dormant Asia and integrating with the West to protect its independence. The notion of "Leave Asia and enter the West" proposed by the samurai-turned-scholar became the spiritual and intellectual foundation of modern Japan.
Japan then stood in Fukuzawa's symbolic shadow for more than a century - discriminating against and underestimating the rest of Asia. First, the Japanese Imperial Army invaded large swaths of the region. Then, in the post-World War II period, right-leaning Japanese politicians, especially in the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), often humiliated formerly occupied countries by alternately denying and justifying its wartime atrocities.
Now, with Japan plunging into trade deficits and facing startling rises in unemployment and suicides, the West-leaning philosophy is proving detrimental. This is especially true of the single-track Japan-US alliance. Tokyo needs to diversify diplomatic and economic relations - and soon.
Japan's population of more than 120 million is at a critical stage. The nation's recession is deepening and economic growth is expected to slow further. Long-term demographic trends indicate a rapidly aging society that is producing fewer children.
Japanese intellectuals are worried about Japan's marginalization in future global competition. With that concern in mind, this year could be a chance for Japan to regain diplomatic diversity, especially as the US president-elect Barack Obama advocates international cooperation over the unilateralism characterized by the George W Bush administration.
A highly possible change of government in national elections - from the ruling LDP to the main opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) - would also accelerate such a move. The DPJ has advocated policies of multilateral cooperation while calling for a more equal partnership with the US. The DPJ has often refused to support US policies, notably on the war in Iraq.
Moreover, with the financial crisis triggered by the collapse of America's "casino capitalism", Japanese politicians and intellectuals are increasingly looking to the East Asian Community (EAC) - a proposed economic and political bloc equivalent to the European Union. This potential grouping is aimed at deepening economic ties and addressing problems with food, energy and the environment. It would definitely broaden Asia's influence in the world and protect its members from external economic shockwaves.
"Asia will continue to be an epicenter of world growth in the 21st century and will be modernizing further," Kazuo Mizuno, chief economist at Mitsubishi UFJ Securities Co in Tokyo, told Asia Times Online. "With more middle-class people emerging in Asia, Japan should target them as end-consumers."
Economic upheaval is shaking American hegemony in many quarters of the globe. In Japan, many believe "Pax Americana", backed by US capitalism, the US dollar-based international monetary system and so-called Washington Consensus policies, has already reached its end. If not, some believe, the US will soon lack the financial resources to maintain it.
According to a New York Times report, Obama warned on Tuesday that the US faced the prospect of "trillion-dollar deficits for years to come, even with the economic recovery that we are working on". He also said he was troubled by the staggering $1 trillion figure, adding: "I'm going to be willing to make some very difficult choices on how we get a handle on this deficit."
Pressure is building for Japan - as well as China and South Korea - to accelerate the integration of Asia. In an epoch-making event on December 13, the leaders of the three nations held their first-ever three-way summit in Fukuoka, Japan. The summit signals a new phase of cooperation between the North-East Asian neighbors.
East Asia's three biggest economies are now showing a united front to counter the adverse effects of global financial turmoil. They are now calling for enhanced "regional cooperation" and stressing the need for strengthening the "surveillance mechanism" to monitor regional financial markets. Japan and China expanded credit lines for currency agreements with South Korea, where Seoul is struggling to shore up the buffeted Korean won.
Leaders of the three countries hadn't held such a formal summit since the aftermath of World War II. In fact, regional relations have mostly been tense. Old animosities between Japan and China, and Japan and South Korea, were inflamed by former Japanese prime minister Junichiro Koizumi's visits to the controversial Yasukuni Shrine memorializing Japan's war dead. There have also been divisive sovereignty disputes in the East China Sea.
But business-oriented leaders in the region are now looking beyond the old wounds. The three nations now account for nearly 17% of the world's economic output and almost 75% of the Asian economy.
East Asia unites
According to Eiji Yamashita, an economics professor at Osaka City University, even before today's global financial crisis, the integration of Asia had been accelerated by two previous regional economic crises.
The first was the sharp increase in foreign direct investment to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries by Japanese firms. This corresponded with the sharp appreciation of the Japanese yen after the Plaza Accord in 1985, Yamashita told The Council on East Asian Community (CEAC) in late November. This triggered the creation of cross-border production networks in East Asia, which closely connected different stages of production in manufacturing industries. Yamashita said this informal economic integration was now an invaluable asset to the regional economy.
The second was the Asian financial crisis of 1997 which propelled the formal integration of Asia, according to Yamashita. The Chiang Mai Initiative of May 2000 - a move to create a network of bilateral currency swap arrangements among ASEAN and Japan, China and South Korea (ASEAN+3) - ushered in a new stage of integration, Yamashita said.
According to Yamashita, the momentum for Asian integration has been slowed since 2005 with two regional frameworks - the ASEAN+3 and the East Asia Summit (EAS) comprising 16 countries, including India, Australia and New Zealand - dissipating its importance.
Japan has advocated the idea of the EAS while China has supported the expansion of the ASEAN+3. The result has been a leadership struggle between the region's two largest economies.
"It is expected that the current crisis will put an end to this stagnation period and the momentum will be regained for the regional integration of Asia," Yamashita said. "The last thing the Japanese government should do is, of course, impede this move in the right direction."
The social and cultural integration of China, Japan and Korea trade is also developing rapidly, especially among the young. A new catchphrase in East Asia translates to "Let's feel Japan."
Post-war Japanese diplomatic policy has been often described as "toeing the US line". But the current economic crisis is bringing about a sea-change in the world order.
Japan's efforts to establish the East Asian Community by reconciling with Asian neighbors could lead to regional peace and security. The US, which spiked Japan's proposal during the 1997 economic crisis for an Asian Monetary Fund, should not hamper Tokyo's efforts to build an Asian community. That is, if Washington really wants to increase prosperity in East Asia.
Kosuke Takahashi is a Tokyo-based journalist.
(Copyright 2009 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)
Japan gets a feel for Asian integration
By Kosuke Takahashi
TOKYO - If you believe Japan will always be an unswerving "lap dog" of the United States, then 2009 may bring a rude awakening. This year could be the beginning of Tokyo's swift shift in its axis of cooperation toward other Asian nations. Early signs are already beginning to show.
More than 130 years ago, the great Japanese philosopher Yukichi Fukuzawa - whose portrait adorns 10,000 yen bills - put forward the idea of disassociating Japan from dormant Asia and integrating with the West to protect its independence. The notion of "Leave Asia and enter the West" proposed by the samurai-turned-scholar became the spiritual and intellectual foundation of modern Japan.
Japan then stood in Fukuzawa's symbolic shadow for more than a century - discriminating against and underestimating the rest of Asia. First, the Japanese Imperial Army invaded large swaths of the region. Then, in the post-World War II period, right-leaning Japanese politicians, especially in the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), often humiliated formerly occupied countries by alternately denying and justifying its wartime atrocities.
Now, with Japan plunging into trade deficits and facing startling rises in unemployment and suicides, the West-leaning philosophy is proving detrimental. This is especially true of the single-track Japan-US alliance. Tokyo needs to diversify diplomatic and economic relations - and soon.
Japan's population of more than 120 million is at a critical stage. The nation's recession is deepening and economic growth is expected to slow further. Long-term demographic trends indicate a rapidly aging society that is producing fewer children.
Japanese intellectuals are worried about Japan's marginalization in future global competition. With that concern in mind, this year could be a chance for Japan to regain diplomatic diversity, especially as the US president-elect Barack Obama advocates international cooperation over the unilateralism characterized by the George W Bush administration.
A highly possible change of government in national elections - from the ruling LDP to the main opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) - would also accelerate such a move. The DPJ has advocated policies of multilateral cooperation while calling for a more equal partnership with the US. The DPJ has often refused to support US policies, notably on the war in Iraq.
Moreover, with the financial crisis triggered by the collapse of America's "casino capitalism", Japanese politicians and intellectuals are increasingly looking to the East Asian Community (EAC) - a proposed economic and political bloc equivalent to the European Union. This potential grouping is aimed at deepening economic ties and addressing problems with food, energy and the environment. It would definitely broaden Asia's influence in the world and protect its members from external economic shockwaves.
"Asia will continue to be an epicenter of world growth in the 21st century and will be modernizing further," Kazuo Mizuno, chief economist at Mitsubishi UFJ Securities Co in Tokyo, told Asia Times Online. "With more middle-class people emerging in Asia, Japan should target them as end-consumers."
Economic upheaval is shaking American hegemony in many quarters of the globe. In Japan, many believe "Pax Americana", backed by US capitalism, the US dollar-based international monetary system and so-called Washington Consensus policies, has already reached its end. If not, some believe, the US will soon lack the financial resources to maintain it.
According to a New York Times report, Obama warned on Tuesday that the US faced the prospect of "trillion-dollar deficits for years to come, even with the economic recovery that we are working on". He also said he was troubled by the staggering $1 trillion figure, adding: "I'm going to be willing to make some very difficult choices on how we get a handle on this deficit."
Pressure is building for Japan - as well as China and South Korea - to accelerate the integration of Asia. In an epoch-making event on December 13, the leaders of the three nations held their first-ever three-way summit in Fukuoka, Japan. The summit signals a new phase of cooperation between the North-East Asian neighbors.
East Asia's three biggest economies are now showing a united front to counter the adverse effects of global financial turmoil. They are now calling for enhanced "regional cooperation" and stressing the need for strengthening the "surveillance mechanism" to monitor regional financial markets. Japan and China expanded credit lines for currency agreements with South Korea, where Seoul is struggling to shore up the buffeted Korean won.
Leaders of the three countries hadn't held such a formal summit since the aftermath of World War II. In fact, regional relations have mostly been tense. Old animosities between Japan and China, and Japan and South Korea, were inflamed by former Japanese prime minister Junichiro Koizumi's visits to the controversial Yasukuni Shrine memorializing Japan's war dead. There have also been divisive sovereignty disputes in the East China Sea.
But business-oriented leaders in the region are now looking beyond the old wounds. The three nations now account for nearly 17% of the world's economic output and almost 75% of the Asian economy.
East Asia unites
According to Eiji Yamashita, an economics professor at Osaka City University, even before today's global financial crisis, the integration of Asia had been accelerated by two previous regional economic crises.
The first was the sharp increase in foreign direct investment to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries by Japanese firms. This corresponded with the sharp appreciation of the Japanese yen after the Plaza Accord in 1985, Yamashita told The Council on East Asian Community (CEAC) in late November. This triggered the creation of cross-border production networks in East Asia, which closely connected different stages of production in manufacturing industries. Yamashita said this informal economic integration was now an invaluable asset to the regional economy.
The second was the Asian financial crisis of 1997 which propelled the formal integration of Asia, according to Yamashita. The Chiang Mai Initiative of May 2000 - a move to create a network of bilateral currency swap arrangements among ASEAN and Japan, China and South Korea (ASEAN+3) - ushered in a new stage of integration, Yamashita said.
According to Yamashita, the momentum for Asian integration has been slowed since 2005 with two regional frameworks - the ASEAN+3 and the East Asia Summit (EAS) comprising 16 countries, including India, Australia and New Zealand - dissipating its importance.
Japan has advocated the idea of the EAS while China has supported the expansion of the ASEAN+3. The result has been a leadership struggle between the region's two largest economies.
"It is expected that the current crisis will put an end to this stagnation period and the momentum will be regained for the regional integration of Asia," Yamashita said. "The last thing the Japanese government should do is, of course, impede this move in the right direction."
The social and cultural integration of China, Japan and Korea trade is also developing rapidly, especially among the young. A new catchphrase in East Asia translates to "Let's feel Japan."
Post-war Japanese diplomatic policy has been often described as "toeing the US line". But the current economic crisis is bringing about a sea-change in the world order.
Japan's efforts to establish the East Asian Community by reconciling with Asian neighbors could lead to regional peace and security. The US, which spiked Japan's proposal during the 1997 economic crisis for an Asian Monetary Fund, should not hamper Tokyo's efforts to build an Asian community. That is, if Washington really wants to increase prosperity in East Asia.
Kosuke Takahashi is a Tokyo-based journalist.
(Copyright 2009 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)
Friday, August 28, 2009
My most recent story for Asia Times Online: Japan on the brink of a new era
Japan on the brink of a new era
Japan's election this weekend pits Prime Minister Taro Aso against Yukio Hatoyama, a battle of blue-bloods replicating a struggle between their grandfathers. Hatoyama's anticipated thumping victory will end the one-party domination of the Liberal Democratic Party. Hatoyama, described as "stubborn, decisive and bold", will need these traits and more to deliver on his promises of change through his mantra of fraternity. - Kosuke Takahashi (Aug 28, '09)
Japan on the brink of a new era
By Kosuke Takahashi
TOKYO - History sometimes throws up wonderful ironies: in Japan, a rising grandson is about to destroy his grandfather's legacy.
With opinion polls suggesting a massive victory for his opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) in Sunday's general election, Yukio Hatoyama is poised to become the next prime minister, replacing Taro Aso. This would mark a fundamental change of power in the country, ending the Liberal Democratic Party's (LDP's) near-perpetual one-party dominance since Hatoyama's grandfather Ichiro created the LDP in 1955.
The number 320 is the key for this election. Should the DPJ secure a more than two-thirds majority, or 320 seats out of the 480 up for election, it would enable the DPJ to enact any legislation rejected by the Upper House, where the party still lacks a single-party majority. This Sunday, a total of 1,374 candidates will vie for the 480 Lower House seats - 300 for single-seat districts and 180 for proportional-representation constituencies.
In the final stage of the campaign, the Asahi Shimbun on Thursday reported that the DPJ was likely to win more than 320 seats, up from the 115 seats the party had before the Lower House was dissolved on July 21. The ruling LDP, meanwhile, is likely to suffer a crushing defeat by only securing about 100 seats, far from its pre-election strength of 300, the newspaper said, based on its most recent survey.
Figures published on Friday worsened the LDP's bleak outlook. The unemployment rate rose to an all-time post-war high of 5.7% in July, according to the government, while deflation intensified and families cut spending.
"The DPJ is highly likely to gain more than 320 seats," Minoru Morita, a noted political analyst in Tokyo, told Asia Times Online. "But I do not think the DPJ will railroad legislation through the Lower House forcibly, by using their two-third majority [to override Upper House decisions]."
Blue-blood politician
The 177-centimeter-tall Hatoyama, 62, conjures up an image of silk stockings and silver spoons among the Japanese public. He is a scion of the country's wealthiest and most politically influential family, which has been nicknamed "Japan's Kennedys" by local media.
Hatoyama is a fourth-generation politician. His paternal great-grandfather Kazuo was speaker of the House of Representatives of Japan's Diet (parliament) from 1896 to 1897 in the Meiji era. Subsequently, Kazuo also served as vice minister of foreign affairs and as president of Waseda University, one of Japan's top universities.
Yukio's paternal grandfather Ichiro was three times prime minister between 1954 and 1956, and a founder and the first president of the ruling LDP. In 1951, he restored diplomatic ties with the Soviet Union and enabled Japan to become a United Nations member, his earnest political ambition before retirement.
His father Iichiro is a former vice minister of finance and a former foreign minister. His younger brother Kunio is a LDP Lower House member and served as an internal affairs and communications minister under the current Taro Aso administration until June 2009.
Moreover, Hatoyama's maternal grandfather was the late Shojiro Ishibashi, founder of Bridgestone Corp, the world's largest tiremaker, headquartered in Tokyo. Bridgestone was named after Ishibashi; In Japanese, ishi means a "stone", and bashi(/hashi), a "bridge".
Hatoyama's mother Yasuko, 86, is called "Godmother" in Japan's political circles, as she has provided significant sums of money inherited from her father Shojiro Ishibashi to help her two sons pursue their political ambitions, especially when they created the DPJ in 1996 by donating several billions of yen. Younger brother Kunio subsequently returned to the LDP as he felt the Democrats had moved too far left from its centrist roots, while Yukio remained a major figure in the DPJ.
"Traditionally, the Hatoyama family introduces much permissiveness into children's upbringing," Morita said. "That's why Yukio and Kunio have totally different characters."
The Hatoyama family is related to three former prime ministers: Ichiro Hatoyama, Hayato Ikeda, who advocated the "income-doubling plan" in the 1960s, and Kiichi Miyazawa, who served as premier from 1991 to 1993. Yukio Hatoyama owns about 8.6 billion yen (US$91.9 million) as personal assets, according to the monthly literary magazine Bungei Shunju published on August 10. He has 3.5 million shares of Bridgestone, which amounts to about 6 billion yen, according to the October 2008 financial disclosure regarding Diet members' salaries set forth by law.
Battle of the grandsons
This strong political advantage provided by the famous Hatoyama family pedigree is equivalent to that of Aso, who is related to seven former prime ministers, including his grandfather Shigeru Yoshida, Japan's first post-World War II prime minister.
Many political observers point out that the crucial battle taking place between Aso's LDP and Hatoyama's DJP in this weekend's poll replicates that of their grandfathers Shigeru Yoshida and Ichiro Hatoyama, who led the two strong conservative groups during the immediate post-war years of Japan. That is, their descendants' battle from different sides of the party political system: Aso for the conservative LDP that has dominated Japanese politics for more than half a century, and Hatoyama for the reformist DPJ.
Right after the end of World War II, Yoshida was able to hold a firm political foundation for a stable government because the US-led General Headquarters of the Allied Forces (GHQ) in 1946 purged then-powerful political leader Ichiro Hatoyama, who formed the Liberal Party in August of 1945. Five years later, Hatoyama was welcomed back by the GHQ, and in 1954 he regained control of the government by ousting prime minister Yoshida.
Yoshida gained the favor of powerful bureaucrats, while Ichiro strived to make policy-making based on leadership by politicians. This is the same pattern as today. Yukio Hatoyama promises to abolish the institution of the so-called amakudari (descent from heaven), which has provided a means for government regulators to move down from their ministries into top positions in the industries that they formerly regulated. Aso has appeared unwilling to do so.
Political rise
Yukio Hatoyama graduated from the University of Tokyo in 1969 and received a PhD in engineering from Stanford University in the United States in 1976. He was first elected to the Lower House in 1986 as a LDP member after being an assistant professor of the department of business administration at Senshu University. He left the LDP following the 1993 general elections, which saw the party lose its overall majority for the first time since 1955. This prompted various members to break away from the LDP and form new political parties, such as the New Party Sakigake, in which Hatoyama became one of the founding members.
He served as vice chief cabinet secretary in the cabinet of Morihiro Hosokawa (1993-94), whose coalition government, including the New Party Sakigake, toppled the LDP from nearly four decades of power. In the DPJ, Hatoyama won the party's presidency in September 1999, but resigned in December 2002 amid confusion over a forthcoming merger with the Liberal Party, led by Ichiro Ozawa.
The merger in 2003 temporarily sidelined Hatoyama, but in September 2004, after eight months as shadow minister for internal affairs, he became shadow minister of foreign affairs and secretary general of the party once again. In the May 2009 elections to the leadership, Hatoyama initially appeared an unlikely victor, with his only rival, 55-year-old vice president Katsuya Okada, providing a more youthful image, and less tainted by association with Ozawa. However, Hatoyama was elected president just months before a crucial general election.
Hatoyama can be very stubborn, decisive and bold, author Eiji Oshita wrote in a book about the Hatoyama family published in 2000, The ambition of splendid Hatoyama family.
"He has had the disastrous experience of serving in key party posts such as secretary general," Tetsuro Fukuyama, an Upper House member of the DPJ and the current deputy policy chief told Asia Times Online. "He became very tough."
It's well known that Hatoyama has a happy married life - he is wed to Miyuki, 65. He met her while studying at Stanford University. It was a stolen love. He once told a women's magazine, "In my case, I happened to fall in love with someone else's wife and ended up marrying her." Miyuki is a former star actress of a popular all-woman dance troupe in Japan. He said in the interview that the circumstances in which he met and married Miyuki made him renounce his old way of life and decide to become a politician. Hatoyama has one son, Kiichiro, 33, a visiting researcher at Moscow State University.
Man of the people
Despite his wealth and privilege, Hatoyama is trying to position himself politically as a man of the people ahead of the election, for example, by often talking about weakening the culture of hereditary politicians in Japan, which is in his party's election manifesto. Yet when Hatoyama speaks Japanese, he invokes particular honorifics that most people seldom use in their daily lives, highlighting his prestigious upbringing.
Hatoyama says he aims to implement the political philosophy of European integrationist Count Coudenhove-Kalergi. In an essay in the September edition of the monthly magazine Voice published August 10, Hatoyama said the philosophy of yuai or "fraternity", translated by his grandfather Ichiro, from Coudenhove-Kalergi's writings, is his policy platform, which is geared towards weakening Japan's bureaucracy and rejecting the US-led global capitalism that brought about the economic crisis.
With the motto of yuai, Hatoyama says he hopes to leave behind parochial nationalism and jingoism and instead further develop the East Asian Community to the extent that it resembles an Asian version of the European Union. He also advocates a common Asian currency as a natural extension of the rapid economic growth in the region.
Kosuke Takahashi is a Tokyo-based journalist.
(Copyright 2009 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)
Wednesday, August 26, 2009
(The New York Times) A New Path for Japan By Yukio Hatoyama
August 27, 2009
Op-Ed Contributor
A New Path for Japan
By YUKIO HATOYAMA
TOKYO — In the post-Cold War period, Japan has been continually buffeted by the winds of market fundamentalism in a U.S.-led movement that is more usually called globalization. In the fundamentalist pursuit of capitalism people are treated not as an end but as a means. Consequently, human dignity is lost.
How can we put an end to unrestrained market fundamentalism and financial capitalism, that are void of morals or moderation, in order to protect the finances and livelihoods of our citizens? That is the issue we are now facing.
In these times, we must return to the idea of fraternity — as in the French slogan “liberté, égalité, fraternité” — as a force for moderating the danger inherent within freedom.
Fraternity as I mean it can be described as a principle that aims to adjust to the excesses of the current globalized brand of capitalism and accommodate the local economic practices that have been fostered through our traditions.
The recent economic crisis resulted from a way of thinking based on the idea that American-style free-market economics represents a universal and ideal economic order, and that all countries should modify the traditions and regulations governing their economies in line with global (or rather American) standards.
In Japan, opinion was divided on how far the trend toward globalization should go. Some advocated the active embrace of globalism and leaving everything up to the dictates of the market. Others favored a more reticent approach, believing that efforts should be made to expand the social safety net and protect our traditional economic activities. Since the administration of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi (2001-2006), the Liberal Democratic Party has stressed the former, while we in the Democratic Party of Japan have tended toward the latter position.
The economic order in any country is built up over long years and reflects the influence of traditions, habits and national lifestyles. But globalism has progressed without any regard for non-economic values, or for environmental issues or problems of resource restriction.
If we look back on the changes in Japanese society since the end of the Cold War, I believe it is no exaggeration to say that the global economy has damaged traditional economic activities and destroyed local communities.
In terms of market theory, people are simply personnel expenses. But in the real world people support the fabric of the local community and are the physical embodiment of its lifestyle, traditions and culture. An individual gains respect as a person by acquiring a job and a role within the local community and being able to maintain his family’s livelihood.
Under the principle of fraternity, we would not implement policies that leave areas relating to human lives and safety — such as agriculture, the environment and medicine — to the mercy of globalism.
Our responsibility as politicians is to refocus our attention on those non-economic values that have been thrown aside by the march of globalism. We must work on policies that regenerate the ties that bring people together, that take greater account of nature and the environment, that rebuild welfare and medical systems, that provide better education and child-rearing support, and that address wealth disparities.
Another national goal that emerges from the concept of fraternity is the creation of an East Asian community. Of course, the Japan-U.S. security pact will continue to be the cornerstone of Japanese diplomatic policy.
But at the same time, we must not forget our identity as a nation located in Asia. I believe that the East Asian region, which is showing increasing vitality, must be recognized as Japan’s basic sphere of being. So we must continue to build frameworks for stable economic cooperation and security across the region.
The financial crisis has suggested to many that the era of U.S. unilateralism may come to an end. It has also raised doubts about the permanence of the dollar as the key global currency.
I also feel that as a result of the failure of the Iraq war and the financial crisis, the era of U.S.-led globalism is coming to an end and that we are moving toward an era of multipolarity. But at present no one country is ready to replace the United States as the dominant country. Nor is there a currency ready to replace the dollar as the world’s key currency. Although the influence of the U.S. is declining, it will remain the world’s leading military and economic power for the next two to three decades.
Current developments show clearly that China will become one of the world’s leading economic nations while also continuing to expand its military power. The size of China’s economy will surpass that of Japan in the not-too-distant future.
How should Japan maintain its political and economic independence and protect its national interest when caught between the United States, which is fighting to retain its position as the world’s dominant power, and China, which is seeking ways to become dominant?
This is a question of concern not only to Japan but also to the small and medium-sized nations in Asia. They want the military power of the U.S. to function effectively for the stability of the region but want to restrain U.S. political and economic excesses. They also want to reduce the military threat posed by our neighbor China while ensuring that China’s expanding economy develops in an orderly fashion. These are major factors accelerating regional integration.
Today, as the supranational political and economic philosophies of Marxism and globalism have, for better or for worse, stagnated, nationalism is once again starting to have a major influence in various countries.
As we seek to build new structures for international cooperation, we must overcome excessive nationalism and go down a path toward rule-based economic cooperation and security.
Unlike Europe, the countries of this region differ in size, development stage and political system, so economic integration cannot be achieved over the short term. However, we should nonetheless aspire to move toward regional currency integration as a natural extension of the rapid economic growth begun by Japan, followed by South Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong, and then achieved by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China. We must spare no effort to build the permanent security frameworks essential to underpinning currency integration.
Establishing a common Asian currency will likely take more than 10 years. For such a single currency to bring about political integration will surely take longer still.
ASEAN, Japan, China (including Hong Kong), South Korea and Taiwan now account for one quarter of the world’s gross domestic product. The economic power of the East Asian region and the interdependent relationships within the region have grown wider and deeper. So the structures required for the formation of a regional economic bloc are already in place.
On the other hand, due to historical and cultural conflicts as well as conflicting national security interests, we must recognize that there are numerous difficult political issues. The problems of increased militarization and territorial disputes cannot be resolved by bilateral negotiations between, for example, Japan and South Korea, or Japan and China. The more these problems are discussed bilaterally, the greater the risk that emotions become inflamed and nationalism intensified.
Therefore, I would suggest, somewhat paradoxically, that the issues that stand in the way of regional integration can only be truly resolved by moving toward greater integration. The experience of the E.U. shows us how regional integration can defuse territorial disputes.
I believe that regional integration and collective security is the path we should follow toward realizing the principles of pacifism and multilateral cooperation advocated by the Japanese Constitution. It is also the appropriate path for protecting Japan’s political and economic independence and pursuing our interests in our position between the United States and China.
Let me conclude by quoting the words of Count Coudenhove-Kalergi, founder of the first popular movement for a united Europe, written 85 years ago in “Pan-Europa” (my grandfather, Ichiro Hatoyama, translated his book, “The Totalitarian State Against Man,” into Japanese): “All great historical ideas started as a utopian dream and ended with reality. Whether a particular idea remains as a utopian dream or becomes a reality depends on the number of people who believe in the ideal and their ability to act upon it.”
Yukio Hatoyama heads the Democratic Party of Japan, and would become prime minister should the party win in Sunday’s elections. A longer version of this article appears in the September issue of the monthly Japanese journal Voice.
Tribune Media Services
Op-Ed Contributor
A New Path for Japan
By YUKIO HATOYAMA
TOKYO — In the post-Cold War period, Japan has been continually buffeted by the winds of market fundamentalism in a U.S.-led movement that is more usually called globalization. In the fundamentalist pursuit of capitalism people are treated not as an end but as a means. Consequently, human dignity is lost.
How can we put an end to unrestrained market fundamentalism and financial capitalism, that are void of morals or moderation, in order to protect the finances and livelihoods of our citizens? That is the issue we are now facing.
In these times, we must return to the idea of fraternity — as in the French slogan “liberté, égalité, fraternité” — as a force for moderating the danger inherent within freedom.
Fraternity as I mean it can be described as a principle that aims to adjust to the excesses of the current globalized brand of capitalism and accommodate the local economic practices that have been fostered through our traditions.
The recent economic crisis resulted from a way of thinking based on the idea that American-style free-market economics represents a universal and ideal economic order, and that all countries should modify the traditions and regulations governing their economies in line with global (or rather American) standards.
In Japan, opinion was divided on how far the trend toward globalization should go. Some advocated the active embrace of globalism and leaving everything up to the dictates of the market. Others favored a more reticent approach, believing that efforts should be made to expand the social safety net and protect our traditional economic activities. Since the administration of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi (2001-2006), the Liberal Democratic Party has stressed the former, while we in the Democratic Party of Japan have tended toward the latter position.
The economic order in any country is built up over long years and reflects the influence of traditions, habits and national lifestyles. But globalism has progressed without any regard for non-economic values, or for environmental issues or problems of resource restriction.
If we look back on the changes in Japanese society since the end of the Cold War, I believe it is no exaggeration to say that the global economy has damaged traditional economic activities and destroyed local communities.
In terms of market theory, people are simply personnel expenses. But in the real world people support the fabric of the local community and are the physical embodiment of its lifestyle, traditions and culture. An individual gains respect as a person by acquiring a job and a role within the local community and being able to maintain his family’s livelihood.
Under the principle of fraternity, we would not implement policies that leave areas relating to human lives and safety — such as agriculture, the environment and medicine — to the mercy of globalism.
Our responsibility as politicians is to refocus our attention on those non-economic values that have been thrown aside by the march of globalism. We must work on policies that regenerate the ties that bring people together, that take greater account of nature and the environment, that rebuild welfare and medical systems, that provide better education and child-rearing support, and that address wealth disparities.
Another national goal that emerges from the concept of fraternity is the creation of an East Asian community. Of course, the Japan-U.S. security pact will continue to be the cornerstone of Japanese diplomatic policy.
But at the same time, we must not forget our identity as a nation located in Asia. I believe that the East Asian region, which is showing increasing vitality, must be recognized as Japan’s basic sphere of being. So we must continue to build frameworks for stable economic cooperation and security across the region.
The financial crisis has suggested to many that the era of U.S. unilateralism may come to an end. It has also raised doubts about the permanence of the dollar as the key global currency.
I also feel that as a result of the failure of the Iraq war and the financial crisis, the era of U.S.-led globalism is coming to an end and that we are moving toward an era of multipolarity. But at present no one country is ready to replace the United States as the dominant country. Nor is there a currency ready to replace the dollar as the world’s key currency. Although the influence of the U.S. is declining, it will remain the world’s leading military and economic power for the next two to three decades.
Current developments show clearly that China will become one of the world’s leading economic nations while also continuing to expand its military power. The size of China’s economy will surpass that of Japan in the not-too-distant future.
How should Japan maintain its political and economic independence and protect its national interest when caught between the United States, which is fighting to retain its position as the world’s dominant power, and China, which is seeking ways to become dominant?
This is a question of concern not only to Japan but also to the small and medium-sized nations in Asia. They want the military power of the U.S. to function effectively for the stability of the region but want to restrain U.S. political and economic excesses. They also want to reduce the military threat posed by our neighbor China while ensuring that China’s expanding economy develops in an orderly fashion. These are major factors accelerating regional integration.
Today, as the supranational political and economic philosophies of Marxism and globalism have, for better or for worse, stagnated, nationalism is once again starting to have a major influence in various countries.
As we seek to build new structures for international cooperation, we must overcome excessive nationalism and go down a path toward rule-based economic cooperation and security.
Unlike Europe, the countries of this region differ in size, development stage and political system, so economic integration cannot be achieved over the short term. However, we should nonetheless aspire to move toward regional currency integration as a natural extension of the rapid economic growth begun by Japan, followed by South Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong, and then achieved by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China. We must spare no effort to build the permanent security frameworks essential to underpinning currency integration.
Establishing a common Asian currency will likely take more than 10 years. For such a single currency to bring about political integration will surely take longer still.
ASEAN, Japan, China (including Hong Kong), South Korea and Taiwan now account for one quarter of the world’s gross domestic product. The economic power of the East Asian region and the interdependent relationships within the region have grown wider and deeper. So the structures required for the formation of a regional economic bloc are already in place.
On the other hand, due to historical and cultural conflicts as well as conflicting national security interests, we must recognize that there are numerous difficult political issues. The problems of increased militarization and territorial disputes cannot be resolved by bilateral negotiations between, for example, Japan and South Korea, or Japan and China. The more these problems are discussed bilaterally, the greater the risk that emotions become inflamed and nationalism intensified.
Therefore, I would suggest, somewhat paradoxically, that the issues that stand in the way of regional integration can only be truly resolved by moving toward greater integration. The experience of the E.U. shows us how regional integration can defuse territorial disputes.
I believe that regional integration and collective security is the path we should follow toward realizing the principles of pacifism and multilateral cooperation advocated by the Japanese Constitution. It is also the appropriate path for protecting Japan’s political and economic independence and pursuing our interests in our position between the United States and China.
Let me conclude by quoting the words of Count Coudenhove-Kalergi, founder of the first popular movement for a united Europe, written 85 years ago in “Pan-Europa” (my grandfather, Ichiro Hatoyama, translated his book, “The Totalitarian State Against Man,” into Japanese): “All great historical ideas started as a utopian dream and ended with reality. Whether a particular idea remains as a utopian dream or becomes a reality depends on the number of people who believe in the ideal and their ability to act upon it.”
Yukio Hatoyama heads the Democratic Party of Japan, and would become prime minister should the party win in Sunday’s elections. A longer version of this article appears in the September issue of the monthly Japanese journal Voice.
Tribune Media Services
Saturday, August 15, 2009
[Viewpoint] Success, but at what cost?
From JoongAng Ilbo(中央日報) of South Korea.
[Viewpoint] Success, but at what cost?
by Bruce Klingner
Bill Clinton’s mission to Pyongyang will send mixed signals to other rogue regimes and perhaps even undermine UN sanctions.
August 15, 2009
It would be heartless not to welcome the release of two U.S. hostages from North Korea’s malevolent clutches. Pyongyang’s imposition of a sentence of 12 years of hard labor on journalists Laura Ling and Euna Lee for trespassing into North Korea was an egregiously disproportionate response. All hope for their full and speedy recovery from their ordeal.
That said, there are serious concerns for the safety of North Korean and Chinese sources that the two journalists may have compromised during their ill-advised jaunt. The reporters were captured with videotapes, photographs and notebooks that could lead to the identification, arrest and execution of North Korean refugees and those assisting them.
A BBC interview with a member of a nongovernmental organization along the China-North Korea border claimed that the journalists “didn’t cover the faces of the North Koreans they interviewed.” There are also indications that Chinese authorities have resumed crackdowns on North Korean refugees in northeast China due to the publicity generated by their capture.
Former President Bill Clinton’s trip to North Korea to retrieve the journalists has been criticized as negotiating with terrorists and rewarding bad behavior. But far more important than these issues are the signals that were inadvertently sent and the precedents that may have been established for future negotiations.
The Obama administration has made the proper and requisite comments that Clinton’s visit was an unofficial humanitarian mission that was firmly separated from the nuclear issue. Yet, despite best efforts not to send a signal, the Obama administration sent several.
First, Clinton’s trip will be perceived as tacit U.S. acceptance of North Korea’s belligerent behavior. It will also reinforce North Korean perceptions that their strategy of alternating brinkmanship with seemingly conciliatory gestures remains effective. Barely four months after North Korea violated UN resolutions by testing a long-range missile and exploding a nuclear device, the U.S. acquiesced to Pyongyang’s demand to send a former president to meet with Kim Jong-il. Clinton’s visit signals to Iran, Syria, Myanmar and other rogue regimes that a country can disregard the UN and eventually be rewarded.
Clinton’s presence is particularly symbolic since it completes North Korea’s trifecta goal of having the leaders of the great powers come to Pyongyang to pay homage to Kim Jong-il. Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese leader Jiang Zemin traveled to Pyongyang in 2000 and 2001, respectively. Clinton had been on the verge of agreeing to a summit in Pyongyang at the end of his presidency in 2000.
Second, the trip to Pyongyang will be interpreted as a policy reversal by the Obama administration, namely an abandonment of the hard-line policy of Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in favor of a return to the engagement policy of President Bill Clinton. It raises questions as to what other policy changes might ensue, such as accepting North Korea as a nuclear state or a less vigorous U.S. enforcement of financial sanctions. Or do the apparently conflicting North Korea policy signals reflect a divided administration reminiscent of the warring factions of the Bush administration?
Third, the visit suggests the Obama administration is resorting to high-level bilateral dialogue to resolve U.S. concerns at the expense of insisting upon multilateral negotiations to address issues of import to South Korea and Japan. Despite U.S. reassurances, the allies remain wary that Washington will diplomatically finesse previously sacrosanct preconditions in order to entice Pyongyang back to the negotiating table.
Already U.S. and South Korean pundits are claiming that the release of the journalists was a diplomatic breakthrough indicative of a more benevolent and accommodating North Korea. Media articles have advocated responding to the North Korean gesture with a reciprocal U.S. concession and a softening of UN sanctions.
There have even been suggestions for a return to musical diplomacy by allowing the Pyongyang Symphony Orchestra to play in New York. Last year’s performance of the New York Philharmonic in North Korea was naively described as a “16-inch broadside of soft power into the hearts and minds of the North Korean people.”
North Korea had several objectives for seeking a visit by Bill Clinton. First, it provided the opportunity to show that Kim Jong-il is healthy and remains in control. Second, Pyongyang signaled it was willing to continue nuclear negotiations, albeit bilaterally with the U.S. and under North Korean conditions. Third, by showing that high-level dialogue was successful, Pyongyang sought to lay the groundwork for a future summit meeting with President Obama.
Fourth, the regime sought to mitigate the effectiveness of UN sanctions by undermining international consensus on their need. Fifth, releasing the U.S. prisoners would increase domestic criticism of President Lee Myung-bak for failing to secure the freedom of South Korean abductees.
The Obama administration should not allow itself to be pressured into abandoning international punitive measures levied in response to North Korean violations of UN resolutions. To be effective, the UN sanctions require firm implementation by many nations. However, some countries may now question the utility of pressuring North Korea when the U.S. is willing to dispatch a former president to conduct deals.
The U.S. should continue to insist on North Korea’s complete compliance with UN resolutions as well as its commitment to its six-party talks pledges to completely and verifiably abandon its nuclear weapons programs.
The inherent danger is that North Korea will continue to develop its nuclear weapons and missile-delivery capabilities.
*The writer is senior research fellow for Northeast Asia in the Asian Studies Center at The Heritage Foundation.
[Viewpoint] Success, but at what cost?
by Bruce Klingner
Bill Clinton’s mission to Pyongyang will send mixed signals to other rogue regimes and perhaps even undermine UN sanctions.
August 15, 2009
It would be heartless not to welcome the release of two U.S. hostages from North Korea’s malevolent clutches. Pyongyang’s imposition of a sentence of 12 years of hard labor on journalists Laura Ling and Euna Lee for trespassing into North Korea was an egregiously disproportionate response. All hope for their full and speedy recovery from their ordeal.
That said, there are serious concerns for the safety of North Korean and Chinese sources that the two journalists may have compromised during their ill-advised jaunt. The reporters were captured with videotapes, photographs and notebooks that could lead to the identification, arrest and execution of North Korean refugees and those assisting them.
A BBC interview with a member of a nongovernmental organization along the China-North Korea border claimed that the journalists “didn’t cover the faces of the North Koreans they interviewed.” There are also indications that Chinese authorities have resumed crackdowns on North Korean refugees in northeast China due to the publicity generated by their capture.
Former President Bill Clinton’s trip to North Korea to retrieve the journalists has been criticized as negotiating with terrorists and rewarding bad behavior. But far more important than these issues are the signals that were inadvertently sent and the precedents that may have been established for future negotiations.
The Obama administration has made the proper and requisite comments that Clinton’s visit was an unofficial humanitarian mission that was firmly separated from the nuclear issue. Yet, despite best efforts not to send a signal, the Obama administration sent several.
First, Clinton’s trip will be perceived as tacit U.S. acceptance of North Korea’s belligerent behavior. It will also reinforce North Korean perceptions that their strategy of alternating brinkmanship with seemingly conciliatory gestures remains effective. Barely four months after North Korea violated UN resolutions by testing a long-range missile and exploding a nuclear device, the U.S. acquiesced to Pyongyang’s demand to send a former president to meet with Kim Jong-il. Clinton’s visit signals to Iran, Syria, Myanmar and other rogue regimes that a country can disregard the UN and eventually be rewarded.
Clinton’s presence is particularly symbolic since it completes North Korea’s trifecta goal of having the leaders of the great powers come to Pyongyang to pay homage to Kim Jong-il. Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese leader Jiang Zemin traveled to Pyongyang in 2000 and 2001, respectively. Clinton had been on the verge of agreeing to a summit in Pyongyang at the end of his presidency in 2000.
Second, the trip to Pyongyang will be interpreted as a policy reversal by the Obama administration, namely an abandonment of the hard-line policy of Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in favor of a return to the engagement policy of President Bill Clinton. It raises questions as to what other policy changes might ensue, such as accepting North Korea as a nuclear state or a less vigorous U.S. enforcement of financial sanctions. Or do the apparently conflicting North Korea policy signals reflect a divided administration reminiscent of the warring factions of the Bush administration?
Third, the visit suggests the Obama administration is resorting to high-level bilateral dialogue to resolve U.S. concerns at the expense of insisting upon multilateral negotiations to address issues of import to South Korea and Japan. Despite U.S. reassurances, the allies remain wary that Washington will diplomatically finesse previously sacrosanct preconditions in order to entice Pyongyang back to the negotiating table.
Already U.S. and South Korean pundits are claiming that the release of the journalists was a diplomatic breakthrough indicative of a more benevolent and accommodating North Korea. Media articles have advocated responding to the North Korean gesture with a reciprocal U.S. concession and a softening of UN sanctions.
There have even been suggestions for a return to musical diplomacy by allowing the Pyongyang Symphony Orchestra to play in New York. Last year’s performance of the New York Philharmonic in North Korea was naively described as a “16-inch broadside of soft power into the hearts and minds of the North Korean people.”
North Korea had several objectives for seeking a visit by Bill Clinton. First, it provided the opportunity to show that Kim Jong-il is healthy and remains in control. Second, Pyongyang signaled it was willing to continue nuclear negotiations, albeit bilaterally with the U.S. and under North Korean conditions. Third, by showing that high-level dialogue was successful, Pyongyang sought to lay the groundwork for a future summit meeting with President Obama.
Fourth, the regime sought to mitigate the effectiveness of UN sanctions by undermining international consensus on their need. Fifth, releasing the U.S. prisoners would increase domestic criticism of President Lee Myung-bak for failing to secure the freedom of South Korean abductees.
The Obama administration should not allow itself to be pressured into abandoning international punitive measures levied in response to North Korean violations of UN resolutions. To be effective, the UN sanctions require firm implementation by many nations. However, some countries may now question the utility of pressuring North Korea when the U.S. is willing to dispatch a former president to conduct deals.
The U.S. should continue to insist on North Korea’s complete compliance with UN resolutions as well as its commitment to its six-party talks pledges to completely and verifiably abandon its nuclear weapons programs.
The inherent danger is that North Korea will continue to develop its nuclear weapons and missile-delivery capabilities.
*The writer is senior research fellow for Northeast Asia in the Asian Studies Center at The Heritage Foundation.
Saturday, August 8, 2009
(The Times of India) NKorean ship entered India due to mechanical fault: Captain
NKorean ship entered India due to mechanical fault: Captain
PTI 8 August 2009, 01:38pm IST
PORT BLAIR: The North Korean cargo ship which illegally entered the country's territorial waters had done so due to mechanical problems, its captain claimed on Saturday.
The captain said this during interrogations, according to sources in the Coast Guard (CG), which intercepted the sugar-laden ship near Little Andaman island, 200 nautical miles south of here.
The interrogation of the captain, whose name was not given out, and that of the ship's 38 other crew was continuing here and more details are expected.
The ship has been detained under heavy security at Little Andamans, where it was spotted anchored, the sources said.
'M V San' carrying 16000 mt sugar from North Korea to the Middle East was intercepted by the CG on Wednesday at around 5 pm after it was spotted without information to the authorities either of its route plan or its anchoring inside the country's territorial waters.
As the Navy and CG's efforts for a radio response from the vessel failed, the CG sent out one of its aircraft to check on the vessel. A radio signal from the aircraft too did not get a reply, forcing the Navy and CG to send their patrol ships to the vessel.
Navy and CG personnel visited the cargo vessel, boarded and conducted a search on it. Later, the vessel was seized and brought here for questioning of its crew members, the sources said.
PTI 8 August 2009, 01:38pm IST
PORT BLAIR: The North Korean cargo ship which illegally entered the country's territorial waters had done so due to mechanical problems, its captain claimed on Saturday.
The captain said this during interrogations, according to sources in the Coast Guard (CG), which intercepted the sugar-laden ship near Little Andaman island, 200 nautical miles south of here.
The interrogation of the captain, whose name was not given out, and that of the ship's 38 other crew was continuing here and more details are expected.
The ship has been detained under heavy security at Little Andamans, where it was spotted anchored, the sources said.
'M V San' carrying 16000 mt sugar from North Korea to the Middle East was intercepted by the CG on Wednesday at around 5 pm after it was spotted without information to the authorities either of its route plan or its anchoring inside the country's territorial waters.
As the Navy and CG's efforts for a radio response from the vessel failed, the CG sent out one of its aircraft to check on the vessel. A radio signal from the aircraft too did not get a reply, forcing the Navy and CG to send their patrol ships to the vessel.
Navy and CG personnel visited the cargo vessel, boarded and conducted a search on it. Later, the vessel was seized and brought here for questioning of its crew members, the sources said.
Wednesday, August 5, 2009
Japan: The Council on Security and Defense Capability Report
The Council on Security and Defense Capability Report
The Council on Security and Defense Capability Report
Executive Summary
Chapter 1 JAPAN’S NEW SECURITY STRATEGY
Section 1 Philosophy and Goals of Security Strategy: A World that Japan Strives for
In the world that Japan strives for, Japan’s own security must be protected. Safety of the Japanese people must be achieved wherever they may be, inside and outside of Japan. To maintain free and affluent lives of the Japanese people, free economic activities and freedom of transportation should be ensured under an international system that is free and open.
In order to maintain Japan’s security and its prosperity, stability of Japan’s neighbors, the region and the global society are prerequisite. Secure supply of food and materials, access to markets, the safety of the sea lines of communication (SLOC) are all necessary to sustain Japan’s prosperity. Maintaining stability of important trading partners is also indispensable.
Material well-being is not the only objective. Free and democratic values should be promoted, basic human rights advocated, both domestically and internationally. States sometimes disagree over their national interests, but the international community, though still imperfect, has adopted rules to mitigate disputes. Japan should contribute to further strengthen international organizations and help establish international norms. Japanese people renounce use of force as means of settling international disputes, and it is a goal of Japan that this idea prevails in the world.
Since we cannot build walls between people, it follows that the whole world be peaceful to sustain Japan’s own security.
Section 2 Security Environment surrounding Japan
(1) Basic Trends
Globalization of economies and societies is proceeding and interdependency among the states is deepening. This has resulted in stability among the major powers and the possibility of large-scale war among them is small. On the other hand, globalization has also allowed threats to spread worldwide. A problem in a distant area has come to affect Japan’s and international security.
Transnational challenges are increasing. International terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMDs), and piracy are some of those challenges we face. To solve these problems, international cooperation is vital and a robust international system is needed to spur such cooperation. There are signs that the international system itself may be undergoing a change caused by emergence of rising powers and other factors.
(2) Global Challenges
Challenges in the Post-Cold War security environment include the issue of civil wars. Civil wars can result in a failed state, and the fragile governance not only leads to deprivation of individual rights and security but could also offer a sanctuary to international terror and crime groups. Impacts of these threats could reach everywhere in the world. International community must cooperate in restoring governance in affected areas, and military organizations are expected to play greater roles.
Proliferation of WMDs, especially that of nuclear weapons, constitutes a serious threat to international security. Proliferation of nuclear weapons could result in a nuclearization domino and increase the risk of acquisition of nuclear weapons by terrorist groups.
The United States has been the leader and provider of global security. The United States has controlled the international public space known as the “Global Commons,” which has enabled it to provide such international public goods as freedom of navigation in the high seas. Today, the United States enjoys absolute superiority and U.S. primacy seems to remain unchallenged into the foreseeable future. If the U.S. commitment to the world declines, this could result in an erosion of global and regional security. Regardless of strong U.S. will, if a perception were to occur among the countries in the Asia-Pacific region that U.S. commitment to the region was in decline, it could destabilize the region and lower the deterrent capability of the Japan-U.S. alliance.
In order to maintain a current cooperative international system, it is important for major powers such as EU members and Japan to tackle the international problems together with the United States. At the same time, it is important to encourage emerging powers to be responsible members actively upholding the international system.
(3) Security Environment of Japan’s Neighborhood
North Korea continues its nuclear and missile development. This is a serious threat to international peace and security. From Japan’s point of view, in addition to nuclear and missile threats, subversive activity by North Korea’s special operation forces (SOF) is another threat. The future of North Korea’s regime is uncertain and the collapse of the regime is a possibility.
China is undergoing numerous changes. Many of these changes are favorable to Japan. The two countries are continuing efforts to build a “ Mutually Beneficial Relationship Based on Common Strategic Interests.” On the other hand, rapid reinforcement of its military power while lacking transparency in purpose and size, is a concern for Japan and the region. It is Japan’s expectation that China chooses to be a responsible power, and Japan should work hard to provide an environment that facilitates such a choice.
Russia, a member of the G8, is one of the key players who can influence security in the Asia-Pacific region. Russia’s military is less active than during the Cold War era, but still maintains its potential capability. While there is an unresolved territorial issue between Japan and Russia, in order to improve the security environment in the neighborhood, Japan should enhance confidence with Russia in the region.
In the Asia-Pacific region, a bundle of bilateral alliances with the United States has played an important role in guaranteeing regional security and order, but regional security frameworks are still weak. It is necessary to develop cooperation on individual agendas such as counter-terrorism and infectious disease control into regional cooperation on security.
Japan’s relations with the Republic of Korea are very important. We hope that the Japan-ROK security cooperation, which has been growing recently, will be further deepened.
Section 3 The “Multilayered Cooperative Security Strategy”
The “Multilayered Cooperative Security Strategy” proposes a way to realize three goals by combining four approaches. The three goals are maintaining Japan’s security, preventing threats from materializing, and maintaining and constructing an international system. The four approaches are Japan’s own efforts, cooperation with its ally, cooperation with countries in the region and cooperation with the international society. In today’s security environment, compared to that of 2004 when the current “National Defense Program Guidelines” was adopted, threats to international systems are increasing and the U.S. influence that has underpinned the international system seems to be changing. Japan shares many security interests with countries in the Asia-Pacific region, but unlike in Europe, the region lacks an effective regional security framework. Therefore, this Strategy sets a new goal, “maintenance and construction of international system,” and adds a new approach, “cooperation with countries in the region.” These three targets overlap with each other in many ways and are mutually reinforcing. In addition, today’s security environment is less characterized by geographical notions and there is less clear distinction between peace time and war time. Hence, it is important to combine four approaches in synergy and make them function multilayeredly and seamlessly.
(1) Japan’s Security – Threats and Challenges that Face Japan
To prevent threats that vary in kind and quality from harming Japan’s security directly, Japan should respond to these threats and challenges seamlessly. Hardware and software must be combined to bring about the maximum result. Means to achieve the goals include: building up Multifunctional and Flexible Defense Force while defining priorities among threats and risks; to set up a web of multilayered deterrence to counter the threat of nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles; and strengthen the alliance with the U.S. through identifying both strategic and tactical common objectives.
In the new era of Japan-U.S. alliance, Japan should not always be led by its ally, but take its own initiatives proactively for Japan’s own security in particular, and cooperate with the United States for agendas which Japan cannot address or solve alone.
To realize abandonment of nuclear and missile development of North Korea through diplomacy, Japan should make multilayered efforts, including implementation of sanction imposed by UNSC resolutions, and diplomatic appeals to the countries concerned.
International terrorism should be suppressed through regulatory activities by law enforcement agencies and other organizations.
An integrated approach that requires relevant ministries and agencies’ involvement is highly important to address emergencies such as intrusion to territorial waters, large-scale disasters, and so on. Other important elements include intelligence function with which Japan can gather and analyze information by itself to make policy decisions, and civilian control that enables wide-ranging use of the SDF in order to achieve political goals.
(2) Preventing Threats from Materializing
To prevent threats from materializing, a “seed” of threat must be addressed to prevent it from becoming a real “threat.” To achieve this goal, overall security environment must be improved through indirect means and by increasing mutual understanding.
U.S. military presence in the Asia-Pacific region is vital to ensure stability of this region. Realignment of U.S. forces and transformation of the Japan-U.S. alliance should be implemented steadily. In addition, Japan and the United States should cooperatively maintain a stable regional security environment through international peace cooperation activities and multinational military exercises.
In order to keep a regional problem from growing into a destabilizing factor for the region, countries in the region should strengthen relationship based on mutual confidence. For this purpose, such measures as institutionalization of the relationship and establishment of a code of conduct are beneficial. Japan has already contributed to this in the field of maritime security, and should continue such efforts. Japan should contribute to the stability of the region by strengthening security cooperation with ROK and Australia. Japan shares many common security interests with the two countries, both of which are allies of the United States.
Once becoming a failed state, comprehensive support should be given to the country until it accomplishes its reconstruction. Japan should participate in the peace building activities from immediate post-conflict stage. Japan should also contribute more actively to the U.N. peacekeeping operations. Moreover, Japan should commit more positively to arms control regimes aimed at non-/counter-proliferation of WMDs as well as efforts in nuclear disarmament.
Confidence-building measures result in improving Japan’s security level. Based on an understanding that defense exchanges and military deterrence work together inseparably, Japan should engage in defense exchanges programs earnestly. At the same time, Japan should envision a new “Comprehensive Security” that increases effectiveness by combining defense power with other powers such as diplomacy, economy and cultural attractiveness.
(3) Maintenance and Construction of International System
In order to realize the world Japan strives for, the current open and free international system should be maintained. At the same time, it is important to establish a complementary system in order to better counter new and transnational challenges. Japan should devote itself to maintaining and building such system. In its endeavor to contribute to the international community, Japan should make efforts not to allow the so-called “historical” issue to hinder Japan’s initiatives in foreign policy.
To play a more active role in establishing and maintaining the international system, a variety of initiatives should be implemented multilayeredly. Firstly, Japan should work harder to realize UN reform. Japan should make more efforts to attain the permanent membership of the Security Council in order to contribute to the UN decision making process more actively.
Additionally, more Japanese citizens are encouraged to join and work for the international organizations.
Since it is not easy to establish a comprehensive regional security framework in the Asia-Pacific region, one should begin with cooperation in an achievable area. To integrate China into regional frameworks as a constructive member is of great importance for a stable regional order. As the first step toward a regional framework, Japan should make efforts to network allies and partners of the U.S., and upgrade the cooperative relationship with ROK.
Japan should envision establishment of a robust framework which is empowered to resolve conflicts as a long-term target, being premised on effectiveness of the Japan-U.S. alliance.
Multilayered regional frameworks should be taken shape based on the ARF, ASEAN+3, Japanese-Indian cooperation, association among G20 member states, and so on. Furthermore, Japan should pursue organizing a cooperative structure in the field of disaster relief.
Japan has underpinned the international system with the U.S. in such spheres as economy and finance. Hereafter, Japan, cooperating with other states, should complement the roles that the U.S. has undertaken in order to secure the global commons. Many security issues of today require prompt decision making and action. A “core group” of states including Japan, the United States and other states should be organized to achieve such an end.
Chapter 2 THE MODALITY OF JAPAN’S DEFENSE FORCE
Section 1 The Roles of Japan’s Defense Force
a) Deterrence and Effective Response to Contingencies Within and Around Japan’s Territory
One of the features of the current security environment is the growing importance of situations in gray spectrum between peace time and war time due to less warning time allowed in certain contingencies. Japan should put its priority on “deterrence by operations” –dynamic deterrence as opposed to static deterrence – through activities under normal circumstances. SDF units must have the hardware and software that enables them to respond seamlessly to a situation as it develops. If an invasion to Japan were to occur, Japan would need to expel it by exerting its defense force. Japan should steadily build up a defense force that is able to cope effectively with presumable contingencies.
To counter the threat of North Korea’s ballistic missiles, deterrence is the most important tool. Japan relies on the United States for nuclear deterrence by punishment. While Japan expects the United States to contribute its strike capability as a second layer of deterrent, Japan should also conduct operational collaboration and cooperation with the United States.
In addition, denial by missile defense system and consequence management contribute to forming another layer of deterrence. To make such multilayered deterrence work more effectively, Japan-U.S. bilateral coordination is important. To defend against missiles, Japan should steadily continue its build-up program of Missile Defense system and promote the Japan-U.S. joint development program for a new-type interceptor missile. As for strike capability, Japan should conduct studies of possible weapons systems, etc., premised that operations be executed together with the United States. Japan should also build up its information gathering capability that is mutually supplementary to the two countries.
Japan should be able to sense indications of subversive activities by North Korean SOF and international terror groups, and cope promptly with them. While assisting law enforcement agencies in earlier stage, the SDF should assume the central role in operations such as protection of important national assets.
In relation to the issues of territories in surrounding waters and of delimitation of EEZ, while practicing continuous surveillance activities, Japan should maintain its qualitative superiority in operational capability. Moreover, Japan should consider posting of new SDF units to offshore islands and enhance maneuvering capability in contingencies.
Recognizing the high frequency of natural disasters in Japan, the SDF is expected to assume an important role in large-scale disasters. The SDF, as the source of relief and security for Japanese people, should also strengthen its ties with local communities whose capability for countering disaster is deteriorating due to such factors as aging population.
A full-scale invasion against Japan is unlikely in the current international situation. A state, however, must remain prepared to defend itself from a possible invasion as a basic function of an independent nation. Japan should continue to possess a minimum level of capability necessary to counter this type of invasion as a precaution for an unforeseeable change in international situation.
b) Further Stabilization of Regional Environment and Order
Since it is necessary to pay attention to increased activities of China and Russia in Japan’s surrounding areas, Japan should establish its intelligence supremacy by ascertaining neighboring countries’ military movements through ISR (intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance) activities.
Recent defense exchanges place importance on international cooperation aimed at solving common challenges. Japan-China cooperation in such fields as maritime security will bring about a positive impact on the whole region. At the same time, Japan, with ROK and Australia, must take initiatives in a variety of issues in the region. Japan should take concrete steps to cooperate with the two countries in intelligence and logistics. Japan should consider overseas dispatch of SDF units more actively to places where it can cooperate with the two countries in international peace cooperation activities.
Japan should also contribute to efforts toward regional stability through regional security frameworks including ASEAN. Japan should actively support multilateral exercises, particularly for such purposes as humanitarian assistance and disaster relief.
c) Improvement of the Global Security Environment
Countering international terrorism is an important security objective for Japan. Japan should make long-term contribution in international efforts, including its support activity for maritime interdiction operations in the Indian Ocean.
In participating in reconstruction efforts in failed states, the SDF should place greater emphasis on protection of civilians and support for improving capability of security sector in addition to humanitarian assistance and support for economic and social recovery. It is also necessary to prepare conditions that pave the way for a more active participation in the PKO.
As the importance of disaster relief is likely to increase in the future, the SDF’s international disaster relief activities will also be important.
Japan should assign the SDF actively in efforts such as PSI to prevent proliferation of WMDs and their delivery means. Japan should also more keenly promote exchanges and cooperation with NATO and European countries.
Section 2 New Functions and Structure of the Defense Force
(1) Guiding Principles for Buildup of Defense Structure
Recently, roles of Japan’s defense force in ensuring Japanese nationals’ security is widening. In addition, the defense force is requested to conduct law enforcement activities.
Today’s defense force should develop into a “multifunctional force” that is able to take part in various missions, and one that can react to a sudden crisis quickly and appropriately, thus in a “flexible” manner. From this viewpoint, the current SDF needs further structural transformation.
Because required skill level of units and personnel is becoming higher and more professional, a SDF unit must react to contingency with its usual line-up, not relying on wartime call-up. Therefore, personnel fill rate of the SDF should be kept high even in peace time.
In pursuing structural transformation, the Japanese government must allocate appropriate resources to defense sector so that it can maintain necessary equipments and personnel and operate them, while setting clear priorities and efficiently using defense expenditure.
(2) Common Requirements for the Defense Force to Function Fully
Japan should build up its defense force with high cost-performance prioritizing quality and software. Listed below are common requirements for pursuing this objective.
- Establishing intelligence superiority: introduce ISR assets such as aircrafts and vessels and link them into a network; utilize outer space effectively and efficiently.
- Enhancing C4 and information security: as a basis of both seamless response to an aggravating situation and further participation in international peace cooperation activities.
- Utilizing Japanese high-quality science and technology: Japan should move away from increasing quantity and improve the quality of the defense force being attentive to trends in military technology.
- Considering geographical conditions: improve maneuvering capability, and seek to take advantage of offshore islands for ISR and other operations.
(3) Enhancement of Joint Operations and Increasing Jointness
Based on lessons learned after Joint Staff centralized operations function, the SDF should continue to improve its joint operations capability, and establish methods for education/training and unit composition that contribute to joint operations. Also important is for the Joint Staff to have authority to recommend on defense build-up, based on judgment of priorities from operational perspective.
(4) Defense Build-up that contributes to strengthening Japan-U.S. alliance
To add specificity in roles and missions sharing between Japan and the United States in contingencies provides basis for considering mutual complementarities of capabilities of both countries. Whenever Japan thinks of building up its defense force, it is important to take into consideration roles and missions sharing and improvement of interoperability with the United States.
(5) International Peace Cooperation Activities
Though international peace cooperation activities became one of the SDF’s primary missions, recent record of participation is not satisfactory. The SDF should sustain a posture with which it is always able to dispatch troops to plural large-scale and multidimentional PKO missions.
Section 3 Infrastructures that Bolster the Defense Force
(1) Personnel Infrastructure (Response to Decline in Number of Youths and Other Issues)
The SDF is facing two challenges with regard to personnel infrastructure: decline in the number of youths; and maladjustment in age structure and rank promotion system. To respond to the decline in the number of youths, the SDF should expand recruitment of female personnel and open more occupational specialties to them, and change its hiring condition to one with longer terms of contract. To adjust the age structure, the SDF should reduce the number of officers promoted from NCOs, as well as try to motivate and revitalize the NCOs.
Introduction of early retirement system should be considered, and government-wide efforts to help retired personnel earn new jobs would be the key to making the new system work.
Establishing professionalism among the SDF personnel is another important issue.
The Council expects the Japanese government to consider this matter and take necessary measures, in view of the significance of human infrastructure from security perspective.
(2) Materiel Infrastructure (Defense Production and Technology Infrastructure)
Prices of SDF equipment are getting more expensive while the defense expenditure continues to decrease gradually. There are trends toward international joint development programs in other advanced countries. Japanese defense production and technology infrastructure are now at the juncture of whether or not they can bear these changes of outside environment.
Japan should continue reforms of defense programming and procurement including promotion of IPT (Integrated Project Team) concept. In addition, it should spell out a comprehensive defense industrial policy that decides which part of the infrastructure is priority for Japan and to be sustained and developed, and pursue realization of an infrastructure from which the Japanese government would be able to acquire state-of-the-art equipments with moderate costs. Also important is to decide to join the international joint development programs.
(3) Social Infrastructure (Support from Japanese Nationals, and Local Cooperation)
Japan has had a tendency of evading from arguing on security and defense issues usually, and being unable to discuss calmly in time of need. There should be broad discussions on various aspects of Japan’s security policy, and for that reason accurate information from the Government should be provided.
The SDF’s disaster relief operations and support for civilian activities are highly expected by Japanese nationals and local residents. Thanks to improvement in deployment capability of units, today the Japanese government can think location of each unit more flexibly. When the Japanese government decides stationing of units, it should take into account whether the location is convenient for daily training, and whether the location ensures strong ties with local communities.
We should recognize that Japanese public’s understanding and support for the SDF, and cooperation of local communities become important elements that compose Japan’s defense capability.
Chapter 3: REVIEWS ON BASIC PRINCIPLES OF JAPAN’S NATIONAL SECURITY
Section 1 Guiding Principles for National Security Policy
Since the “Basic Policy for National Defense” was adopted more than 50 years ago, there has not been a single modification of the document. The Basic Policy lacks specificity to provide substantial guidance to Japan’s national security policies.
There is a set of principles that has been regarded as Japan’s “basics of defense policy.”
- “Exclusively Defense-Oriented Policy”
- “Not Becoming a Military Power” which threatens other countries
- “Ensuring Civilian Control”
- “The Three Non-Nuclear Principles”
These principles have been significant as a brake, but explain little on what Japan should do.
“Ensuring Civilian Control” and “Not Becoming a Military Power” have not lost their importance. Due to changing security circumstances, however, the world is now quite different from the one the “Exclusively Defense-Oriented Policy” originally assumed.
We should decide the basic principles on national security policy, and explain them at home and abroad. We should also examine the concepts which represent Japan’s basic stance such as “Exclusively Defense-Oriented Policy” from today’s viewpoint.
Section 2 Guidelines and Frameworks for International Peace Cooperation Activities
Japan’s commitment to U.N. peacekeeping operations has not been very active recently. In order to increase Japan’s participation in U.N. PKO, it is necessary to review legal and political criteria which are used to decide whether or not to dispatch the SDF to a PKO mission.
The “Five Principles” that is the legal standard contains several ideas to be reviewed such as scope of “parties in conflict” and the way of use of weapons. The “Five Principles” and the International Peace Cooperation Law, which are two sides of the same coin, should be revised. Japan’s new political standards should include estimate of legitimacy of the mission, security level and whether Japan’s potential is performed in a suitable manner. Based on the estimate, Japan should decide whether the participation in the mission is consistent with Japan’s national interest or not.
To manage needs for international peace cooperation activities by making individual special measures laws is problematic. Early enactment of a so-called “permanent law” is necessary for Japan to more keenly conduct international peace cooperation activities.
The Advisory Panel on Reconstruction of the Legal Basis for Security (“The Panel on Security Legislation”) recommended that international peace cooperation activities should not be understood as “use of force as means of settling international disputes” and that the concept of “ittaika” (“form an integral”) is far away from the real world situations, thus it has to be corrected. The Council expects the Japanese government to reflect the conclusion of the Report into Japanese legal system in the future.
Section 3 Policies for Response to a Ballistic Missile Attack
To defend Japan against a ballistic missile attack, while Japan relies on the U.S. for deterrent by retaliation, Japan should play its own role in interception of the missile and consequence management.
The Panel on Security Legislation made recommendations on interception of a ballistic missile on its way to the U.S. and defense of U.S. vessels in time of Japan-U.S. bilateral operations, and the Council strongly supports them.
Advancement of capability of North Korea’s ballistic missiles makes Japan and the U.S. to confront the common threat. For its security purpose, Japan is required to intercept a missile on its way to the U.S. By reviewing traditional constitutional interpretation on the right of collective self-defense, Japan should interpret such an interception as lawful.
If SDF vessels could not defend U.S. vessels which are engaged in warning and surveillance for missiles, the confidence in bilateral relations would fall, and subsequently security of Japan would be damaged considerably. In order for the SDF to defend the U.S. vessels in such a situation, it is necessary to examine and establish an appropriate legislation by taking such measures as review of the traditional constitutional interpretation on the right of collective self-defense.
Section 4 The Three Principles on Arms Export, etc.
The United States and European countries are now trying to acquire high-end technology and equipment by setting up international division of labor. If Japan could not participate in such a framework of international joint research and development (R&D) and production owing to restriction of the Three Principles on Arms Export, etc., risk is becoming greater for Japan to be left behind the international technological development. In addition, if a Japanese enterprise is allowed to sell the United States certain equipment which is originally licensed by the U.S. and now produced in Japan, such a way of Japan-U.S. equipment cooperation could lead to a deepened bilateral relationship, but for now the Three Principles hinder such initiatives.
After 2004 the Japanese government has taken a stance of examining on a case-by-case basis and deciding whether to ease the Three Principles on Arms Export, etc. for certain equipment related to support of counter-terrorism and counter-piracy. However, this method of examining on a case-by-case basis is, in fact, a hurdle at the entrance stage.
Unless Japan addresses these issues, Japan’s defense capability would possibly decline. The Council considers it appropriate to set a new guideline that directs arms export control policy. However, even if the present policy frame survives for a while, abovementioned individual issues must be exempted application of the Three Principles on Arms Export, etc. on the condition that each case earns strict management, at the least.
Section 5 Foundation for Realizing the New Security Strategy
(1) Strengthening Function of the Kantei
To implement integrated national security policy, it is important to strengthen function of the Kantei as a commanding post. Recommended measures stated by “the Council on the Strengthening of the Function of the Prime Minister’s Office Regarding National Security” and “the Council for Reforming the Ministry of Defense” have not been fully implemented. The Japanese government should implement as soon as possible measures that are executable within the current constraint, as well as continue to consider establishing a permanent secretariat that can support ministerial meeting body.
(2) Strengthening Function of Intelligence and Intelligence Security
In order to appropriately address expanding needs for intelligence, Japan should strengthen and improve human intelligence (HUMINT), function of Information Gathering Satellites, frameworks of intelligence cooperation and intelligence security with foreign countries, and bases of open source intelligence (OSINT).
Strong intelligence function is supported by firm framework of intelligence security.
It's necessary to develop integrated legal system that stipulates handling of important secret information of Japan and to strengthen countermeasures against illegal access and a leak of information through computer network.
(3) Strengthening Civilian Control
Under the so-called “1955 regime” in Japanese politics, debates among Diet members tended to lack strategic perspectives and ideas about actively utilizing the SDF capabilities to realize a political end. It is of importance that the Diet, through substantial policy debates, offers a guideline for national security policy. This will lead to strengthened civilian control by the Diet. It is also desirable to discuss the procedures to hold secret sessions and setting rules for handling secret information in the Diet.
The Council on Security and Defense Capability Report
Executive Summary
Chapter 1 JAPAN’S NEW SECURITY STRATEGY
Section 1 Philosophy and Goals of Security Strategy: A World that Japan Strives for
In the world that Japan strives for, Japan’s own security must be protected. Safety of the Japanese people must be achieved wherever they may be, inside and outside of Japan. To maintain free and affluent lives of the Japanese people, free economic activities and freedom of transportation should be ensured under an international system that is free and open.
In order to maintain Japan’s security and its prosperity, stability of Japan’s neighbors, the region and the global society are prerequisite. Secure supply of food and materials, access to markets, the safety of the sea lines of communication (SLOC) are all necessary to sustain Japan’s prosperity. Maintaining stability of important trading partners is also indispensable.
Material well-being is not the only objective. Free and democratic values should be promoted, basic human rights advocated, both domestically and internationally. States sometimes disagree over their national interests, but the international community, though still imperfect, has adopted rules to mitigate disputes. Japan should contribute to further strengthen international organizations and help establish international norms. Japanese people renounce use of force as means of settling international disputes, and it is a goal of Japan that this idea prevails in the world.
Since we cannot build walls between people, it follows that the whole world be peaceful to sustain Japan’s own security.
Section 2 Security Environment surrounding Japan
(1) Basic Trends
Globalization of economies and societies is proceeding and interdependency among the states is deepening. This has resulted in stability among the major powers and the possibility of large-scale war among them is small. On the other hand, globalization has also allowed threats to spread worldwide. A problem in a distant area has come to affect Japan’s and international security.
Transnational challenges are increasing. International terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMDs), and piracy are some of those challenges we face. To solve these problems, international cooperation is vital and a robust international system is needed to spur such cooperation. There are signs that the international system itself may be undergoing a change caused by emergence of rising powers and other factors.
(2) Global Challenges
Challenges in the Post-Cold War security environment include the issue of civil wars. Civil wars can result in a failed state, and the fragile governance not only leads to deprivation of individual rights and security but could also offer a sanctuary to international terror and crime groups. Impacts of these threats could reach everywhere in the world. International community must cooperate in restoring governance in affected areas, and military organizations are expected to play greater roles.
Proliferation of WMDs, especially that of nuclear weapons, constitutes a serious threat to international security. Proliferation of nuclear weapons could result in a nuclearization domino and increase the risk of acquisition of nuclear weapons by terrorist groups.
The United States has been the leader and provider of global security. The United States has controlled the international public space known as the “Global Commons,” which has enabled it to provide such international public goods as freedom of navigation in the high seas. Today, the United States enjoys absolute superiority and U.S. primacy seems to remain unchallenged into the foreseeable future. If the U.S. commitment to the world declines, this could result in an erosion of global and regional security. Regardless of strong U.S. will, if a perception were to occur among the countries in the Asia-Pacific region that U.S. commitment to the region was in decline, it could destabilize the region and lower the deterrent capability of the Japan-U.S. alliance.
In order to maintain a current cooperative international system, it is important for major powers such as EU members and Japan to tackle the international problems together with the United States. At the same time, it is important to encourage emerging powers to be responsible members actively upholding the international system.
(3) Security Environment of Japan’s Neighborhood
North Korea continues its nuclear and missile development. This is a serious threat to international peace and security. From Japan’s point of view, in addition to nuclear and missile threats, subversive activity by North Korea’s special operation forces (SOF) is another threat. The future of North Korea’s regime is uncertain and the collapse of the regime is a possibility.
China is undergoing numerous changes. Many of these changes are favorable to Japan. The two countries are continuing efforts to build a “ Mutually Beneficial Relationship Based on Common Strategic Interests.” On the other hand, rapid reinforcement of its military power while lacking transparency in purpose and size, is a concern for Japan and the region. It is Japan’s expectation that China chooses to be a responsible power, and Japan should work hard to provide an environment that facilitates such a choice.
Russia, a member of the G8, is one of the key players who can influence security in the Asia-Pacific region. Russia’s military is less active than during the Cold War era, but still maintains its potential capability. While there is an unresolved territorial issue between Japan and Russia, in order to improve the security environment in the neighborhood, Japan should enhance confidence with Russia in the region.
In the Asia-Pacific region, a bundle of bilateral alliances with the United States has played an important role in guaranteeing regional security and order, but regional security frameworks are still weak. It is necessary to develop cooperation on individual agendas such as counter-terrorism and infectious disease control into regional cooperation on security.
Japan’s relations with the Republic of Korea are very important. We hope that the Japan-ROK security cooperation, which has been growing recently, will be further deepened.
Section 3 The “Multilayered Cooperative Security Strategy”
The “Multilayered Cooperative Security Strategy” proposes a way to realize three goals by combining four approaches. The three goals are maintaining Japan’s security, preventing threats from materializing, and maintaining and constructing an international system. The four approaches are Japan’s own efforts, cooperation with its ally, cooperation with countries in the region and cooperation with the international society. In today’s security environment, compared to that of 2004 when the current “National Defense Program Guidelines” was adopted, threats to international systems are increasing and the U.S. influence that has underpinned the international system seems to be changing. Japan shares many security interests with countries in the Asia-Pacific region, but unlike in Europe, the region lacks an effective regional security framework. Therefore, this Strategy sets a new goal, “maintenance and construction of international system,” and adds a new approach, “cooperation with countries in the region.” These three targets overlap with each other in many ways and are mutually reinforcing. In addition, today’s security environment is less characterized by geographical notions and there is less clear distinction between peace time and war time. Hence, it is important to combine four approaches in synergy and make them function multilayeredly and seamlessly.
(1) Japan’s Security – Threats and Challenges that Face Japan
To prevent threats that vary in kind and quality from harming Japan’s security directly, Japan should respond to these threats and challenges seamlessly. Hardware and software must be combined to bring about the maximum result. Means to achieve the goals include: building up Multifunctional and Flexible Defense Force while defining priorities among threats and risks; to set up a web of multilayered deterrence to counter the threat of nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles; and strengthen the alliance with the U.S. through identifying both strategic and tactical common objectives.
In the new era of Japan-U.S. alliance, Japan should not always be led by its ally, but take its own initiatives proactively for Japan’s own security in particular, and cooperate with the United States for agendas which Japan cannot address or solve alone.
To realize abandonment of nuclear and missile development of North Korea through diplomacy, Japan should make multilayered efforts, including implementation of sanction imposed by UNSC resolutions, and diplomatic appeals to the countries concerned.
International terrorism should be suppressed through regulatory activities by law enforcement agencies and other organizations.
An integrated approach that requires relevant ministries and agencies’ involvement is highly important to address emergencies such as intrusion to territorial waters, large-scale disasters, and so on. Other important elements include intelligence function with which Japan can gather and analyze information by itself to make policy decisions, and civilian control that enables wide-ranging use of the SDF in order to achieve political goals.
(2) Preventing Threats from Materializing
To prevent threats from materializing, a “seed” of threat must be addressed to prevent it from becoming a real “threat.” To achieve this goal, overall security environment must be improved through indirect means and by increasing mutual understanding.
U.S. military presence in the Asia-Pacific region is vital to ensure stability of this region. Realignment of U.S. forces and transformation of the Japan-U.S. alliance should be implemented steadily. In addition, Japan and the United States should cooperatively maintain a stable regional security environment through international peace cooperation activities and multinational military exercises.
In order to keep a regional problem from growing into a destabilizing factor for the region, countries in the region should strengthen relationship based on mutual confidence. For this purpose, such measures as institutionalization of the relationship and establishment of a code of conduct are beneficial. Japan has already contributed to this in the field of maritime security, and should continue such efforts. Japan should contribute to the stability of the region by strengthening security cooperation with ROK and Australia. Japan shares many common security interests with the two countries, both of which are allies of the United States.
Once becoming a failed state, comprehensive support should be given to the country until it accomplishes its reconstruction. Japan should participate in the peace building activities from immediate post-conflict stage. Japan should also contribute more actively to the U.N. peacekeeping operations. Moreover, Japan should commit more positively to arms control regimes aimed at non-/counter-proliferation of WMDs as well as efforts in nuclear disarmament.
Confidence-building measures result in improving Japan’s security level. Based on an understanding that defense exchanges and military deterrence work together inseparably, Japan should engage in defense exchanges programs earnestly. At the same time, Japan should envision a new “Comprehensive Security” that increases effectiveness by combining defense power with other powers such as diplomacy, economy and cultural attractiveness.
(3) Maintenance and Construction of International System
In order to realize the world Japan strives for, the current open and free international system should be maintained. At the same time, it is important to establish a complementary system in order to better counter new and transnational challenges. Japan should devote itself to maintaining and building such system. In its endeavor to contribute to the international community, Japan should make efforts not to allow the so-called “historical” issue to hinder Japan’s initiatives in foreign policy.
To play a more active role in establishing and maintaining the international system, a variety of initiatives should be implemented multilayeredly. Firstly, Japan should work harder to realize UN reform. Japan should make more efforts to attain the permanent membership of the Security Council in order to contribute to the UN decision making process more actively.
Additionally, more Japanese citizens are encouraged to join and work for the international organizations.
Since it is not easy to establish a comprehensive regional security framework in the Asia-Pacific region, one should begin with cooperation in an achievable area. To integrate China into regional frameworks as a constructive member is of great importance for a stable regional order. As the first step toward a regional framework, Japan should make efforts to network allies and partners of the U.S., and upgrade the cooperative relationship with ROK.
Japan should envision establishment of a robust framework which is empowered to resolve conflicts as a long-term target, being premised on effectiveness of the Japan-U.S. alliance.
Multilayered regional frameworks should be taken shape based on the ARF, ASEAN+3, Japanese-Indian cooperation, association among G20 member states, and so on. Furthermore, Japan should pursue organizing a cooperative structure in the field of disaster relief.
Japan has underpinned the international system with the U.S. in such spheres as economy and finance. Hereafter, Japan, cooperating with other states, should complement the roles that the U.S. has undertaken in order to secure the global commons. Many security issues of today require prompt decision making and action. A “core group” of states including Japan, the United States and other states should be organized to achieve such an end.
Chapter 2 THE MODALITY OF JAPAN’S DEFENSE FORCE
Section 1 The Roles of Japan’s Defense Force
a) Deterrence and Effective Response to Contingencies Within and Around Japan’s Territory
One of the features of the current security environment is the growing importance of situations in gray spectrum between peace time and war time due to less warning time allowed in certain contingencies. Japan should put its priority on “deterrence by operations” –dynamic deterrence as opposed to static deterrence – through activities under normal circumstances. SDF units must have the hardware and software that enables them to respond seamlessly to a situation as it develops. If an invasion to Japan were to occur, Japan would need to expel it by exerting its defense force. Japan should steadily build up a defense force that is able to cope effectively with presumable contingencies.
To counter the threat of North Korea’s ballistic missiles, deterrence is the most important tool. Japan relies on the United States for nuclear deterrence by punishment. While Japan expects the United States to contribute its strike capability as a second layer of deterrent, Japan should also conduct operational collaboration and cooperation with the United States.
In addition, denial by missile defense system and consequence management contribute to forming another layer of deterrence. To make such multilayered deterrence work more effectively, Japan-U.S. bilateral coordination is important. To defend against missiles, Japan should steadily continue its build-up program of Missile Defense system and promote the Japan-U.S. joint development program for a new-type interceptor missile. As for strike capability, Japan should conduct studies of possible weapons systems, etc., premised that operations be executed together with the United States. Japan should also build up its information gathering capability that is mutually supplementary to the two countries.
Japan should be able to sense indications of subversive activities by North Korean SOF and international terror groups, and cope promptly with them. While assisting law enforcement agencies in earlier stage, the SDF should assume the central role in operations such as protection of important national assets.
In relation to the issues of territories in surrounding waters and of delimitation of EEZ, while practicing continuous surveillance activities, Japan should maintain its qualitative superiority in operational capability. Moreover, Japan should consider posting of new SDF units to offshore islands and enhance maneuvering capability in contingencies.
Recognizing the high frequency of natural disasters in Japan, the SDF is expected to assume an important role in large-scale disasters. The SDF, as the source of relief and security for Japanese people, should also strengthen its ties with local communities whose capability for countering disaster is deteriorating due to such factors as aging population.
A full-scale invasion against Japan is unlikely in the current international situation. A state, however, must remain prepared to defend itself from a possible invasion as a basic function of an independent nation. Japan should continue to possess a minimum level of capability necessary to counter this type of invasion as a precaution for an unforeseeable change in international situation.
b) Further Stabilization of Regional Environment and Order
Since it is necessary to pay attention to increased activities of China and Russia in Japan’s surrounding areas, Japan should establish its intelligence supremacy by ascertaining neighboring countries’ military movements through ISR (intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance) activities.
Recent defense exchanges place importance on international cooperation aimed at solving common challenges. Japan-China cooperation in such fields as maritime security will bring about a positive impact on the whole region. At the same time, Japan, with ROK and Australia, must take initiatives in a variety of issues in the region. Japan should take concrete steps to cooperate with the two countries in intelligence and logistics. Japan should consider overseas dispatch of SDF units more actively to places where it can cooperate with the two countries in international peace cooperation activities.
Japan should also contribute to efforts toward regional stability through regional security frameworks including ASEAN. Japan should actively support multilateral exercises, particularly for such purposes as humanitarian assistance and disaster relief.
c) Improvement of the Global Security Environment
Countering international terrorism is an important security objective for Japan. Japan should make long-term contribution in international efforts, including its support activity for maritime interdiction operations in the Indian Ocean.
In participating in reconstruction efforts in failed states, the SDF should place greater emphasis on protection of civilians and support for improving capability of security sector in addition to humanitarian assistance and support for economic and social recovery. It is also necessary to prepare conditions that pave the way for a more active participation in the PKO.
As the importance of disaster relief is likely to increase in the future, the SDF’s international disaster relief activities will also be important.
Japan should assign the SDF actively in efforts such as PSI to prevent proliferation of WMDs and their delivery means. Japan should also more keenly promote exchanges and cooperation with NATO and European countries.
Section 2 New Functions and Structure of the Defense Force
(1) Guiding Principles for Buildup of Defense Structure
Recently, roles of Japan’s defense force in ensuring Japanese nationals’ security is widening. In addition, the defense force is requested to conduct law enforcement activities.
Today’s defense force should develop into a “multifunctional force” that is able to take part in various missions, and one that can react to a sudden crisis quickly and appropriately, thus in a “flexible” manner. From this viewpoint, the current SDF needs further structural transformation.
Because required skill level of units and personnel is becoming higher and more professional, a SDF unit must react to contingency with its usual line-up, not relying on wartime call-up. Therefore, personnel fill rate of the SDF should be kept high even in peace time.
In pursuing structural transformation, the Japanese government must allocate appropriate resources to defense sector so that it can maintain necessary equipments and personnel and operate them, while setting clear priorities and efficiently using defense expenditure.
(2) Common Requirements for the Defense Force to Function Fully
Japan should build up its defense force with high cost-performance prioritizing quality and software. Listed below are common requirements for pursuing this objective.
- Establishing intelligence superiority: introduce ISR assets such as aircrafts and vessels and link them into a network; utilize outer space effectively and efficiently.
- Enhancing C4 and information security: as a basis of both seamless response to an aggravating situation and further participation in international peace cooperation activities.
- Utilizing Japanese high-quality science and technology: Japan should move away from increasing quantity and improve the quality of the defense force being attentive to trends in military technology.
- Considering geographical conditions: improve maneuvering capability, and seek to take advantage of offshore islands for ISR and other operations.
(3) Enhancement of Joint Operations and Increasing Jointness
Based on lessons learned after Joint Staff centralized operations function, the SDF should continue to improve its joint operations capability, and establish methods for education/training and unit composition that contribute to joint operations. Also important is for the Joint Staff to have authority to recommend on defense build-up, based on judgment of priorities from operational perspective.
(4) Defense Build-up that contributes to strengthening Japan-U.S. alliance
To add specificity in roles and missions sharing between Japan and the United States in contingencies provides basis for considering mutual complementarities of capabilities of both countries. Whenever Japan thinks of building up its defense force, it is important to take into consideration roles and missions sharing and improvement of interoperability with the United States.
(5) International Peace Cooperation Activities
Though international peace cooperation activities became one of the SDF’s primary missions, recent record of participation is not satisfactory. The SDF should sustain a posture with which it is always able to dispatch troops to plural large-scale and multidimentional PKO missions.
Section 3 Infrastructures that Bolster the Defense Force
(1) Personnel Infrastructure (Response to Decline in Number of Youths and Other Issues)
The SDF is facing two challenges with regard to personnel infrastructure: decline in the number of youths; and maladjustment in age structure and rank promotion system. To respond to the decline in the number of youths, the SDF should expand recruitment of female personnel and open more occupational specialties to them, and change its hiring condition to one with longer terms of contract. To adjust the age structure, the SDF should reduce the number of officers promoted from NCOs, as well as try to motivate and revitalize the NCOs.
Introduction of early retirement system should be considered, and government-wide efforts to help retired personnel earn new jobs would be the key to making the new system work.
Establishing professionalism among the SDF personnel is another important issue.
The Council expects the Japanese government to consider this matter and take necessary measures, in view of the significance of human infrastructure from security perspective.
(2) Materiel Infrastructure (Defense Production and Technology Infrastructure)
Prices of SDF equipment are getting more expensive while the defense expenditure continues to decrease gradually. There are trends toward international joint development programs in other advanced countries. Japanese defense production and technology infrastructure are now at the juncture of whether or not they can bear these changes of outside environment.
Japan should continue reforms of defense programming and procurement including promotion of IPT (Integrated Project Team) concept. In addition, it should spell out a comprehensive defense industrial policy that decides which part of the infrastructure is priority for Japan and to be sustained and developed, and pursue realization of an infrastructure from which the Japanese government would be able to acquire state-of-the-art equipments with moderate costs. Also important is to decide to join the international joint development programs.
(3) Social Infrastructure (Support from Japanese Nationals, and Local Cooperation)
Japan has had a tendency of evading from arguing on security and defense issues usually, and being unable to discuss calmly in time of need. There should be broad discussions on various aspects of Japan’s security policy, and for that reason accurate information from the Government should be provided.
The SDF’s disaster relief operations and support for civilian activities are highly expected by Japanese nationals and local residents. Thanks to improvement in deployment capability of units, today the Japanese government can think location of each unit more flexibly. When the Japanese government decides stationing of units, it should take into account whether the location is convenient for daily training, and whether the location ensures strong ties with local communities.
We should recognize that Japanese public’s understanding and support for the SDF, and cooperation of local communities become important elements that compose Japan’s defense capability.
Chapter 3: REVIEWS ON BASIC PRINCIPLES OF JAPAN’S NATIONAL SECURITY
Section 1 Guiding Principles for National Security Policy
Since the “Basic Policy for National Defense” was adopted more than 50 years ago, there has not been a single modification of the document. The Basic Policy lacks specificity to provide substantial guidance to Japan’s national security policies.
There is a set of principles that has been regarded as Japan’s “basics of defense policy.”
- “Exclusively Defense-Oriented Policy”
- “Not Becoming a Military Power” which threatens other countries
- “Ensuring Civilian Control”
- “The Three Non-Nuclear Principles”
These principles have been significant as a brake, but explain little on what Japan should do.
“Ensuring Civilian Control” and “Not Becoming a Military Power” have not lost their importance. Due to changing security circumstances, however, the world is now quite different from the one the “Exclusively Defense-Oriented Policy” originally assumed.
We should decide the basic principles on national security policy, and explain them at home and abroad. We should also examine the concepts which represent Japan’s basic stance such as “Exclusively Defense-Oriented Policy” from today’s viewpoint.
Section 2 Guidelines and Frameworks for International Peace Cooperation Activities
Japan’s commitment to U.N. peacekeeping operations has not been very active recently. In order to increase Japan’s participation in U.N. PKO, it is necessary to review legal and political criteria which are used to decide whether or not to dispatch the SDF to a PKO mission.
The “Five Principles” that is the legal standard contains several ideas to be reviewed such as scope of “parties in conflict” and the way of use of weapons. The “Five Principles” and the International Peace Cooperation Law, which are two sides of the same coin, should be revised. Japan’s new political standards should include estimate of legitimacy of the mission, security level and whether Japan’s potential is performed in a suitable manner. Based on the estimate, Japan should decide whether the participation in the mission is consistent with Japan’s national interest or not.
To manage needs for international peace cooperation activities by making individual special measures laws is problematic. Early enactment of a so-called “permanent law” is necessary for Japan to more keenly conduct international peace cooperation activities.
The Advisory Panel on Reconstruction of the Legal Basis for Security (“The Panel on Security Legislation”) recommended that international peace cooperation activities should not be understood as “use of force as means of settling international disputes” and that the concept of “ittaika” (“form an integral”) is far away from the real world situations, thus it has to be corrected. The Council expects the Japanese government to reflect the conclusion of the Report into Japanese legal system in the future.
Section 3 Policies for Response to a Ballistic Missile Attack
To defend Japan against a ballistic missile attack, while Japan relies on the U.S. for deterrent by retaliation, Japan should play its own role in interception of the missile and consequence management.
The Panel on Security Legislation made recommendations on interception of a ballistic missile on its way to the U.S. and defense of U.S. vessels in time of Japan-U.S. bilateral operations, and the Council strongly supports them.
Advancement of capability of North Korea’s ballistic missiles makes Japan and the U.S. to confront the common threat. For its security purpose, Japan is required to intercept a missile on its way to the U.S. By reviewing traditional constitutional interpretation on the right of collective self-defense, Japan should interpret such an interception as lawful.
If SDF vessels could not defend U.S. vessels which are engaged in warning and surveillance for missiles, the confidence in bilateral relations would fall, and subsequently security of Japan would be damaged considerably. In order for the SDF to defend the U.S. vessels in such a situation, it is necessary to examine and establish an appropriate legislation by taking such measures as review of the traditional constitutional interpretation on the right of collective self-defense.
Section 4 The Three Principles on Arms Export, etc.
The United States and European countries are now trying to acquire high-end technology and equipment by setting up international division of labor. If Japan could not participate in such a framework of international joint research and development (R&D) and production owing to restriction of the Three Principles on Arms Export, etc., risk is becoming greater for Japan to be left behind the international technological development. In addition, if a Japanese enterprise is allowed to sell the United States certain equipment which is originally licensed by the U.S. and now produced in Japan, such a way of Japan-U.S. equipment cooperation could lead to a deepened bilateral relationship, but for now the Three Principles hinder such initiatives.
After 2004 the Japanese government has taken a stance of examining on a case-by-case basis and deciding whether to ease the Three Principles on Arms Export, etc. for certain equipment related to support of counter-terrorism and counter-piracy. However, this method of examining on a case-by-case basis is, in fact, a hurdle at the entrance stage.
Unless Japan addresses these issues, Japan’s defense capability would possibly decline. The Council considers it appropriate to set a new guideline that directs arms export control policy. However, even if the present policy frame survives for a while, abovementioned individual issues must be exempted application of the Three Principles on Arms Export, etc. on the condition that each case earns strict management, at the least.
Section 5 Foundation for Realizing the New Security Strategy
(1) Strengthening Function of the Kantei
To implement integrated national security policy, it is important to strengthen function of the Kantei as a commanding post. Recommended measures stated by “the Council on the Strengthening of the Function of the Prime Minister’s Office Regarding National Security” and “the Council for Reforming the Ministry of Defense” have not been fully implemented. The Japanese government should implement as soon as possible measures that are executable within the current constraint, as well as continue to consider establishing a permanent secretariat that can support ministerial meeting body.
(2) Strengthening Function of Intelligence and Intelligence Security
In order to appropriately address expanding needs for intelligence, Japan should strengthen and improve human intelligence (HUMINT), function of Information Gathering Satellites, frameworks of intelligence cooperation and intelligence security with foreign countries, and bases of open source intelligence (OSINT).
Strong intelligence function is supported by firm framework of intelligence security.
It's necessary to develop integrated legal system that stipulates handling of important secret information of Japan and to strengthen countermeasures against illegal access and a leak of information through computer network.
(3) Strengthening Civilian Control
Under the so-called “1955 regime” in Japanese politics, debates among Diet members tended to lack strategic perspectives and ideas about actively utilizing the SDF capabilities to realize a political end. It is of importance that the Diet, through substantial policy debates, offers a guideline for national security policy. This will lead to strengthened civilian control by the Diet. It is also desirable to discuss the procedures to hold secret sessions and setting rules for handling secret information in the Diet.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)